Montgomery - Science in Translation (2000)

 SCIENCE IN TRANSLATION

Introduction

• Intro bastante geral. Talvez valha a pena ler de novo para dar uma sintetizada nas ideias.

The Era of Roman Translation

• A impressão de roma sobre a grécia vai de uma admiração reprodutiva para uma rivalidade respeitosa.
• Formação de vocabulário científico passa por cunhagem, compilação/padronização e tradução. Não nessa ordem e não separadamente um do outro. 18 [ver sobre multiplos vocabs fomralizados depois]
• Sobre a alteralção dos textos
• The great translators and systematizers of the classical and medieval eras lived and wrote within a manuscript culture. What this means is that there was no wholly stable, fixed "science;' inasmuch as science existed in the written word. The indeterminancy of scribal culture, in which individual copyists regularly deformed their texts through errors, deletions, abridgments, misinterpretations, additions, and a host of other "editorial" changes, meant that few works were ever precisely repeated and therefore that a large and uncontrolled number of versions of any one text existed at any one time. Another aspect of scribal culture was the lack of any recognized standards for translation itself: translators, too, were prone to mistakes and omissions (for example, when they didn't understand a passage )-but even more significantly, they were free to consciously alter a work, to add new examples, reorganize or create chapters, insert commentary, change wording, whenever they felt the need, and they did so often.
• A cultura cientifica helenistica tinha textos cientificos e popularizações mais literária (eg Aratus de Soli).
• Havia um predomínio da retórica nas publicações sobre assuntos científicos. Contudo a erudição era bem vista e a astronomia, dentre as ciencias, era a mais dicutida popularmente 25
• The core of this agenda ["political agenda in which forcibly substitut-ing Rome for Greece is a condition of acknowledging the foundational status of Greek eloquence for Latinitas" (Copeland 1991, 31).  lay in the moral precepts attached to the study of rhetoric, within which translation gained meaning. Hellenistic influence in this area, focused in the work of Cicero, Varro, and Quintilian, helped place rhetoric above all other subjects in importance, but not for academic reasons. Oratory according to these authors was the means by which all worthwhile knowledge could be put to use, given a public presence, and devoted to civic benefit. Having the power of spoken brilliance meant having power over others: power to convince, to see through deception, to move the populace, make policy, frame and impose laws, keep order, guide others toward virtue. In Rome, the artes of speaking and, to a lesser extent, writing, came first, because (as Cicero put it) they were the essence of humanitas. The aim was to produce "good and wise men;' meaning public men, for the purpose of a strong and wise Rome. The art of rhetoric, once brought to a high level, thus constituted a branch of political science, since it possessed the power to make any branch of knowledge persuasive, but more, to move men's minds and hearts toward virtue in the midst of the most changeable and challenging conditions.8 The superiority of oratory also resided in the fact that it represented a type of social action, a praxis.9 Ethical activity, these writers agreed, was the final goal. Mathematics, dialectics, law, astronomy-"all these professions are occupied with the search after truth," wrote Cicero, "but to be drawn by study away from active life is contrary to moral duty. For the whole glory of virtue is in activity" (De Officiis, I.vi. 19). Or, still more to the point: "service is better than mere theoretical knowledge, for the study and knowledge of the universe would be in some part lame and defective were no practical results to follow" (De Officiis, I.xliii.1S3). 35
• Popularização era atingida via handbooks, que eram enciclopedias a moda aristotelica muitas vezes reaproveitadas de trabalhos anteriores. Eram
• writers in a different mode-that is, not as originators or creators or even critics and commentators, but instead as transmitters, carriers, messengers, combining the functions of "author" and "scribe." Such writers served a very real and important function within the greater social realm of knowledge production: they regenerated knowledge during a long era when texts were especially fragile physical objects (see fig. 1 ), when copyists (many of whom were slaves) could not always be trusted to preserve what had gone before, when changing literary taste demanded the past be retold in the rhetorical guise of the present, at least in part, yet also when famous authors of earlier times were considered the vessels of timeless wisdom, of a type that, once expressed in excellent form, should be allowed to speak itself thereafter lest the middling talents of various transmitters yield a succession of contaminations that would, in turn, diminish the contribution of future "borrowers." It is clear from the writings of compilers like Theophrastus, Strabo, and even Ptolemy (though not his astronomical work) that employing the past as a magnanimous lender of both word and idea served the purposes of private and collective gain. 26 
• Tradução como imitação em Roma:
• At an early stage in Roman letters, for example in the late third and early second century B.C. when Plautus and Terence were active, word-for-word Latin renditions of Greek works, either in whole or in part, affixed with different titles and given Roman authorship, were counted honorable "creations;' the rightful bringing to Latin audiences of an otherwise inaccessible treasure (D'Alton 1962; Gartner 1988; Fuhrmann 1973). But as time went on, this became less and less palatable. Constant use and reuse of Greek material made writers ever more aware of their dependence, but also their need for such dependence. 32
• Incorporação de palavras gregas foi importante na formação do vocablário latino. Trad era um subset da retorica e foi comentada por cicero como um exercício para encontrar e cunhar as melhores palavras para se expressar. Plinio o novo comenta que se trata de um ótimo modo de estudo e desenvolvimento intelectual.
• Ptolomeu e cícero e a ciencia entre els:
• Ptolemy's universe, no less than Cicero's, contains an axis of moral precept, but it turns in the opposite direction. Mathematics and its application to the heavens are a means of initiation into the higher order of things and thus harmony between human and divine. In contrast, Cicero views such an idea as hopelessly detached from ordinary abilities and experience. In the Dream of Scipio, the one work where the Roman translator of Plato and Aratus takes time to contemplate the heavens and the place of human beings within them, the narrator is borne upward into the celestial realm not to gaze on the stars and planets but instead to look back upon the Earth, and to see there in magnified form the strivings of men. This movement is all-important: even for the most intellectual of Romans, the stars and planets remained a stage for visualizing daily needs and demands. 
• Astronomia romanda derivada das trads de Aratus começadas por Cicero e da tradição dos handbooks como o de plinio (embora não fossem versados em matemática).
• Havia um processamento dos pensamento importado grego com relação as predições. O vocabulário era construído por várias estratégias:
• : (1) adapting for a Greek term one or more words from the vocabulary of Roman religion (where it spoke of the heavens); (2) using existing Latin words for simple celestial phenomena; (3) forming composite terms from existing Latin words; (4) poetic adaptations of ordinary Latin words; (5) direct phonetic borrowing from the original Greek, nested by explanations told in ordinary language and often introduced by a phrase such as "Whereas the Greeks say, we use the term . . ;'  39
• A adoção do vocabulário não era linear.
• Trad para os romanos (fortemente ligada a noção de autoria baseada no "plágio"):
• we might note that Roman authors never settled upon a single term for "translate" either, employing a whole spectrum of verbs, such as verto (to turn, appropriate), converto (to change, transform, pervert), transfero (to carry over, transfer, interpret), interpretatio (to explain, expound upon), explico (to unfold, set forth, express), and translatio (to transport, carry across), which in the study of rhetoric also had the specific sense of "metaphor;' a "transfer of meaning" from one object to another. 41-2
• Estudo dos usos nacionalistícos do vocabulário de Plínio 45-8
• Biografia do NH 48.
• Não traduzireis anacronicamente 49
• As enciclopedias contiunuaram a ser sumarizadas por muito tempo dois disso com propositos pedagogicos. Artes liberais e laborais no inciio do século V:
• Varro had originally delineated nine artes altogether, two of which, architecture and medicine, were deleted by Martianus for unknown reasons, possibly because they were seen to be too practical in nature (artes labores). Martianus sought a curriculum free from immediate worldly concerns: it is this "freedom"-artes liberales means something like " skills of knowledge free from mercenary pursuits"-which has been so long associated with Western learning. 
• Macrobius refiniu o vocabulário astronomico a partir das fontes grecoromanas no século IV-V.
• A partir do século IX, no princípio das universidades, reformulou-se e deu-se substância a narrativa de plínio, além de tornar seu vocabylário bem mais tecnico.
• No medievo as tecnicalidades caíram.

Astronomy in the East

• Houve uma passagem pelo siriaco antes dos textos gregos chegarem no árabe. No siriaco houve uma tradição de tradução que rpeou mais pela filosofia, historia e ciencia enquanto a Europa presou mais pela literatura.
• A trad do grego elevou o nível do vocasbulário siriaco a partir de diversas técncas de importação. 70-1
• Mundo islamico ocupava o que foi o imperio macedonico mil anos antes sendo influenciado pelas ideias helenisticas assim como pela india e persia.
• Many first generation Islamic astronomers were Persian by birth, and it seems certain that a number of these men had fairly intimate contact with Indian astronomy, whether through travel, Pahlavi translations, or word of mouth. These same styles of contact appear to have existed from an early date in India as well, since Indian astronomers incorporated Babylonian elements (e.g., linear algebraic methods in planetary theory) even before being touched by Alexandrian astrology in the early centuries A.D. (Pedersen 1993, 1 52-53). 85-96

The formation of Arabic Science, Eighth through Tenth centuries

• Problematiza o papel dos arabes como apenas protetores e repassadores dos textos gregos por meio da tradução:
• The ideas of transmission, appropriation, and nativization Sabra adds into the scholarly mix have helped refocus attention away from the texts themselves to the realities of their reception, use, and transformation. Yet even here, problems reminiscent of the old discourse remain. Accepting the "Greco-Arabic transmission of science and philosophy" is one of these, for, as noted repeatedly, the translated corpus was far more diverse in content and history than such a term would suggest. Indeed, the true founding of the natural sciences within Muslim society came not from the uptake of Greek writings, but far more from material long appropriated and nativized to Syriac, Pahlavi, and Sanskrit-speaking communities-material, again, that is taken out of the hands and histories of these communities by being called "Greek." However useful as a retooled shorthand, "Greco-Arabic" still essentially erases centuries of history-a history bereft of many crucial surviving materials and thus difficult to assemble, but history nonetheless. 92-3
• Al Mansur califa abassida foi um dos primeiros no movimento de traduçaõ de textos estrangeiros. Bagda era muito cosmopolita. Traduziam materiais literários, populares, filosóficos e científicos.
• Tres fases esquemáticas:
• It has been common to characterize the translation movement as taking place in three major phases (Peters 1968), the first beginning in the late eighth century, under the caliphate of al-Mansur (A.D. 754-775) and alRashid (A.D. 786-809), and reaching a peak in the first several decades of the ninth century with al-Ma'miin (A.D. 813-833), the most active patron of this activity among all the 'Abbasid rulers. Indian and Persian works were very important early on, but texts in Syriac soon came to dominate, an increasing number of which represented translations from late copies of Greek scientific texts. During the second phase of effort, reaching from the mid-ninth to the tenth century, there was a pronounced tendency to return to the "original" Greek texts (which had themselves undergone centuries of copying), to translate these first into Syriac and then into Arabic, to revise and correct already existing translations, and to begin the task of standardizing technical nomenclature as a means of consciously ensuring higher-quality versions. A third phase of more dispersed activity, extending roughly from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, involved the editing of selected works, their recombination into new textual forms, and retranslation of a few major texts (or portions thereof). Historically speaking, the first two phases were by far the most important, with the first phase yielding versions that were revised, corrected, and adapted by secondphase translators. 108-9
• As traduções do almagesto eram acompanhadas de comentários (e comentários de comentários), de muita edição, atualizações e correções.
• Tradução em um momento de intelectualização rampante do islã. Trad. ccs eram de segunda mão, não direto do grego (havia concepções epistemológicas para tanto. A maioria dos trads eram cristãos nestorianos (ou seja, falantes não nativos do arabe). 114-5:
• In cultural-linguistic terms, science, and a considerable portion of prose scholarship and writing in general, were established in this language by nonnative speakers. These translators, furthermore, were anything but passive conduits. They often chose the texts they wanted to work on, stretched or deformed the existing Arabic language to their specific needs, and built the central vocabularies of a dozen fields by choosing nomenclatural equivalents to Syriac or Greek words. Through a mixture of mercenary intentions and the desire to keep alive (indeed to nurture) those intellectual traditions they held most dear, these translators helped influence directly a shift of interest among court patrons toward Greek sources above all others. In equal measure, the success of their efforts greatly increased the need for any student interested in "foreign wisdom" to learn Arabic, while commensurately reducing any demand (or desire) among intellectuals to learn the languages of the source texts, like Greek, Persian, and Hindi. The result was thus a specifically Arabic textual culture. 115
• Eram muito bem pagos tanto em estipêndios quanto em infraestrura. Eram empregados em outras funções também. Tinham renome social.
• No começo, com os Umaiades e primeiros Abassidas as trads eram escolhidas pela corte pela sua utilidade. Al Mansur começou a traduzir com um interesse mais "humanista". Assim, trads podiam escolher seus textos.
• Astronomia dividade entre popular e mais matemática.
• No começo havia a questão da heterogeneidade do vocabulário:
•  In the early phase of translation, up through the time of al-Ma'miin, such diversity of source material coupled with the variety of cultural background among the translators themselves, as well as their individual command of Arabic, led to a very heterogeneous, inconsistent, and error-ridden corpus of astronomical works. Discrepancies in terminology, syntax, accuracy, and even comprehensibility among different versions of a single work became obvious. Methods of translation, though generally literal early on, still varied significantly. In many cases, individual passages that seemed too complex or obscure to a particular translator were either summarized, glossed over, or simply left out altogether. As a result, "a strong need grew up toward verification, refinement, and correction of this work" (Kunitzsch 1993, 214), a need that helped give rise to new versions that selectively edited and retranslated earlier texts. 118
• he early translators of the eighth and early ninth centuries were not really craft professionals. During their lifetimes, they usually worked on only a few texts chosen for (or imposed upon) them by their patrons. They used only one or perhaps two versions of a particular source work, e.g., one in Greek and one in Syriac, and did not compile any lists of terms, names (e.g., of the constellations), or definitions that might have helped their readers or later translators. In general method, they were prone to a combination of literalism and a desire for readability: this means that they held fast to the source text where it was comprehensible to them and were prone to omissions and simplifications, as well as misreadings, where it was not. 119
• y the later ninth century, this situation had changed. Consistent patronage, not only by the rulers and their immediate family but by significant portions of the court aristocracy, military leaders, merchants, and others had legitimized the intellectual, spiritual, and economic value of the translations and helped create a true interpretive textual community of scholars and teachers centered on Greek works above all, whose primary source texts thus became ever more paramount. In sheer quantity and diversity, Greek texts came to be favored far beyond those of other nations (Endress 1 982). Their quantity and difficulty kept the later translators and their readers of the ninth and tenth centuries busy. In a sense, the Greek corpus offered a magnificent challenge, even resistance, to scholarly conquest and completion. 120
•  Tradição de edição, correção...etc mais proeminente na segunda onde (secs 9-10). Começou-se a padronizar as traduções, abandonando alguns termos anteirores. Grego ganhou muito renome, favorecendo calques e cunhagens desse idioma.
•  Several different adaptations were used: (1) phonetic transcription, with varying degrees of fidelity (e.g., qaytus for Cetus); (2) transcription with added prefixes (ad-dulfi, for Delphinus); (3) replacement by common Arabic words (al-asad, "lion;' for Leo; al-aqrab, "scorpion;' for Scorpio); (4) substitution by Arabic words that are related to, but do not exactly parallel, the Greek (ad-dagaga, "hen" or "fowl;' for Cygnus; al-tinnin, "serpent;' for Draco); (5) substitution by older Arabic names associated with the principal star in a constellation (al-gabbar, "the powerful;' for Orion); (6) simplifications for the sake of memory (al-faras, "horse," for Pegasus; alternately al-faras alawwal, "the first horse;' for Equulus and al-faras at-tani, "the second horse;' for Pegasus); and (7) descriptive phrases that explain a transcribed name according to the Greek myth (e.g., barsawus, followed by the phrase "bearer of the demon's head")(Kunitzsch 1974, 169- 203). For a given translation, two or more of these adaptations might appear for a single constellation. 126
• Overall, then, Islam ended up nativizing Greek knowledge and linguistics both. The larger effect of translation was to help rapidly broaden what was already an extremely flexible mode of communication, closer to Greek in its multilayered capabilities than to Latin. But it did this not as a simple matter of "influence" from Hellenistic thought. The changes noted came from within Islam; they were not in any way inevitable and they reflect not the power of "Greece" but the creativity of Muslim thinkers, who used Greek thought for their own purposes. The distinction, as we have implied, is crucial. Responsibility for "the flowering of Arabic science" belongs to Islam. 131-2
• Há menos considerasções teoricas do que havia em Roma.
• Houve uma grande transformação na língua arabe devido a essas traduções e contato p´roximo com outras línguas. Também houve uma mudança de enfase da lingua falada para a escrita.
• Al Sufi no fim do século X retoma a terminologia mussulmana.
• Conclusões:
• What the Latins, in their turn, translated and transformed to their need was a vast amalgam-if we speak only of astronomy, for instance, an ArabicGreek-Persian-Indian alloy whose internal boundaries had long since blurred or else melted entirely. In addition to the types of textual changes we have noted, this astronomy came with advances in instrumentation, the use of art, a new mathematics. Such advances were anything but parasitic or secondary. They were, instead, entirely integrated into the "wisdom;' the I?aklm, of what Islam had created, and what European translators found so appealing. 135
• But the important point to make is that Islam had done pretty much what Hellenistic Greece had done: absorbed influences from a number of cultures and solidified them into a new whole. Arabic science, perhaps, rose and fell just as Greek science had, if for different reasons. The fact is, however, that the greater corpus of scientia now existed in the Arabic language and that this is where it had come to belong. 137  
• A partir do sec XII, ocorre uma crescente aversão islâmica ao "conhecimento estrangeiro"

Era of translation into Latin

• Lista as tendencias tecnosocioculturais da ideade média na europa do sécul XII. 139-141
• Auge entre 1100 e 1220 em Toledo, Pisa, Salerno e Sicília. Primeiro traduziram do árabe, mais no final traduziu-se do grego. O corpus arabe era mais cientifico e filosofico, e o grego mais filosifico e religioso.
• Semelhanças e diferenças com o episodio anteior:
• Primary among similarities are the scale of work involved, the choice of subject matter (sciences and philosophy), the heroic labors of individual translators, the travels these men undertook for the sake of acquiring requisite knowledge and manuscript material, and, in the realm of attitude, the basic sense that something of great "wealth" from another people and time was being discovered and appropriated. To this brief list, we might also add certain effects the resulting translations imposed, for example the vast enrichments of textual culture, new stimulations to authorship (to scholarly writing in general), the creation of entirely new vocabularies and thus influences on the Latin language, and the support for new educational institutions (in this case, the universities). 142
• But there were also important contrasts in the varieties of translation experience in Europe. First, this was work performed by individuals, operating under their own directives and ambitions, without any organized support. No such thing as the Bait al Hlkma, the famed House of Wisdom established under al-Ma'mfm, whose auspices supported those such as I:funayn ibn Isl;1aq, ever existed in Europe on the same scale. Nor did the Latin translators profit from anything resembling the widespread forms of patronage that existed in Islamic society. [... comentário sobre a inexistencia da escola de toledo e do caso de patronagem raro com Michael Scot na Sicilia] some of the translators had ecclesiastical careers; some were civil servants or physicians; some made a living through their teaching or sale of their writings or through the occasional patron. Many appear to have lived with some degree of economic insecurity (see Haskins 1 927, 1929). 142
• The translation movement took place through the cracks as it were-as a profession without an institution. Where I:Junayn had been paid his own weight in gold, and by the caliph himself, set at the head of a school of translators, equipped with a workshop of assistants, paper, and utensils, and sent on distant missions to collect important texts, his correlative in the twelfth century, the prolific Gerard of Cremona, worked with a few collaborators, supported only by the sale of his work and contributions from his ill-trained students (Lemay 1 978 ). 147 
• Os tradutores eram viajantes. Faziam questão de ressaltar a penúria do latim. Foram buscar textos no oriente.
• Tradução era importante para o comércio com o isla
• Os tradutores eram muito conscientes de sua importância enquanto distribuidores de conhecimento.
• Os tradutores arabes frequentemente eram especialistas contributivos, enquanto os europeus eram especialistas interacionais. 147
• Tradição mais literal devido ao pouco dominio da linguagem. Contribuiram assim para importação de varias palavras em grego e arabe para o vocabulario latino. Contudo "" 149
• Jeronimo traduzia sense for sense em textos seculares, mas em textos sagrados tinha que ser word of word. Sua filosofia se aplicou oito séculos depois, literalidade aos sábios semidivinios e sense for sense em várias outras ocasiões.
• Havia autoreflexão e filosofia da tradução, inclusive produção de variori.
• Havia um certo asco pelo islã como um todo. Latinos se congratulavam não explicitamente de poder pescar os conhecimentos e po-los em uso verdadeiro. 166
• Entre o começo e o fim do século XIII o corpus de textos curriculares das universidades foi substituido das trtads arabicas para as gregas.
• A lingua arabe foi ignorada como objeto de estudo universitário, senod preterida pelo grego.
• Na segunda emtade do sexulo XIII começaram as trads vernaculares, continuando com a valorização do grego:
•  because Aristotle had been Greek, the best Latin versions of his work (i.e., the bases for vernacular versions) would have to be rendered from the Greek language. Greek, in short, was the native speech of this auctor and thus a timeless guarantor of a more " original" version. An important shift has thus taken place: unlike their predecessors of the twelfth century, these translators were not interested, above all, in knowledge per se, as "unknown" or "hidden" wealth to be "discovered." They were beset by a new consciousness of sources, therefore of "origins." Such, eventually, was what the auctoritates system demanded for Greek thinkers. 174
• As already suggested, such ambitions were linked to the auctoritates system, which gave enormous privilege to sacred first sources. Within the rules of this system, the sheer textual presence of the Greeks, heightened by constant reference to them in the writings of the Arabs (though often only rhetorically), constituted evidence for a primal originality. ''Aristotle'' was therefore divorced from the reality of "his" transmission as a collection of texts in the Arabic language. The story of this transmission was unimportant in the sense that it would only serve to prove all the more the timeless value of ''Aristotle;' as textual Father. Such tautological thinking was a direct result of the styles of reverence given to auctoritates. 177 
• An important influence on the relative erasure of Islam had to do with the standards of late medieval authorship. Following the episode of translation, the value of writing increased enormously. A far more competitive textual culture grew up, mainly centered in the universities. In this climate, it became common for authors to minimize reference to their contemporaries in order that their own contribution should appear all the more original, desirable, in a direct line of descent from the truest origins of "wisdom." Beginning in the late twelfth century and increasing rapidly thereafter, there occurred a weedy growth of new commentaries, separating each new generation of readers from older in terpreters. Taken as a whole, Latin authors worked, directly or otherwise, to supplant the older Arabic commentaries with their own. Moreover, a tendency toward something like specialization arose alongside the great encyclopedic tradition. Each subject of the trivium and the quadrivium, that is, now boasted its own expanding library of texts and was more inviting of extended local commentary. Sacrobosco's De Sphaera and the Theorica Planetarum replaced a whole series of commentaries on Ptolemaic astronomy by those such as al-Farghanl , Thabit ibn Qurrah, and al-BlrUnl . In particular, the Elementa of alFarghanl (Latin: Alfraganus), which had served as the crucial epitome of the Almagest and one of the most widely used texts in university astronomy, was almost entirely eclipsed by Sacrobosco's far simpler work (North 1 992). Finally, since medieval textual culture was manuscript culture, its texts were variable, unfixed, without formal standards of accuracy, and therefore uncertain in many ways. This led to many errors, especially in technical works. Passages too difficult or unfamiliar to a particular scribe, names that seemed foreign or unpronounceable, might well be changed or deleted scribe. Many misattributions may well have occurred in this way, along with Arabic names being changed to Greek.12 177-8
• Apenas medicina, astrologia e alquimia foram reconhecidas como méritos dos muçulmanos enquanto pensadores originais e não derivativos dos gregos.
• O destino das estrelas
• Here, then, the Renaissance impulse to "revive" the learning of the past meant, in effect, a demand to remove the effects of appropriation and nativization stemming from Latin translation-a demand that exceeded the high-walled privilege by then, granted Greece and Rome. Only by going back to the era of the earliest translators, with their often awkward urgency for precision, did fifteenth-century Viennese astronomers grant European science its "other" originsY 181
• Conclusões dá um resumão geral 182-5

Record of recent matters

• CC compõe mais ou menos a metade do vocabulário das linguas. Possibilita a expressão e manipulação do conhecimento.
• Após o XIX, a Lingua japonesa usou ideogramas encadeados para representar certos termos cientificos (especialmente em botanica, astronomia, matematica e geologia) ocidentais. Assim é bem mais facil para o japones leigo entender certos conceitos. Em outros casos eram usados katakana para importar a palavra foneticamente.
• Retórica semantico-estilistica e gráfica.

Japanese science in the making

• Entre 1770 e 1850 cc ocidental entrava no japão por via de textos holandeses. Eles eram vistos como originais mas eram na vdd trads. As trads para o japonês, por sua vez, foram adaptadas para se encaixar na cultura da época.
• Darwin:
• Edward Morse era oyatoi. Ishikawa Chiyoumatsu era seu estudante e ponte com o Japão e ajudou a introduzir Darwin no japão em 1883 ao editar e traduzir os escritos de Morse em um livro "Dobutsu Shinka-ron, "Theory on the Evolution of Animals" (ver Watanabe 1990). Contudo: there is a continual tendency throughout to take examples from the animal and plant kingdoms and apply them to human situations" 234. Ainda:
• The term for "evolution;' shinka, Ishikawa either coined himself or adopted from one of several earlier works published in the 1 870s on Darwinian ideas, most notably Izawa Shuji's 1 879 translation of Thomas Huxley's Lectures on the Origin of Species (1862). In either case, it did not exist in Japanese scientific discourse before the 1 870s. 233
• It was, however, an excellent choice: comprising the characters for "advancement" and "change;' it had come to enjoy a wide currency outside science prior to its adoption there, denoting "progress" as the idea of the "forward movement of society toward civilization;' especially under the auspices of Western science. It was a term that could be said to have embodied two sensibilities at once: Darwin's own Victorian view of evolution as a process of continual improvement and, more immediately, the ideology of the Japanese Enlightenment, with its call to a civilizing nationalism. The political side to Darwinian language, therefore, was aptly retained, to serve the purposes of Japanese self-imagery. 233-4
•  Darwin foi um dos ultimos darwinistas a serem traduzidos. Spencer veio antes e com muita força. Primeira trad do origin em 1889. Trad por um trad literário, Tachibana Sensaburo. Contudo, pouco Darwin havia circulado até então via Huxley e Spencer.
• Spencer:
• Spencer had been introduced to Japan through American contacts. If Morse was perhaps the more important of these, another was the famous philosopher, art critic, and oriental scholar Ernest Fenellosa, one of the very few oyatoi who did write and publish in Japanese. Japanese authors, meanwhile, took up Spencerian ideas and disseminated them broadly in copious writings, at times with government support. During the 1 880s and 1 890s, as the intellectual atmosphere ofJapan grew increasingly conservative and nationalistic, many thinkers, officials, and students found themselves drawn to the concept of a struggle between nations, with "higher" species eventually winning out over "lower" ones (Nagazumi 1983). Indeed, the theory had no small attraction for those who argued against further Westernization. Before 1900, the theory of evolution tended to operate politically both within and outside of science. 234-5
• Before the century was out the language of evolution took on a more striking cast. Terms such as skinka reflect the era of their origin, the early Meiji period of hope and "progress." But by the late 1 880s and early 1 890s, the pitch of nationalism had shifted to more reactionary concerns about national moral standards, loyalty among the people, and at the same time, about national destiny in terms of empire (teikoku). Western nations were being viewed more in oppositional terms, again as colonial aggressors, and as destructive models for Japanese character and virtue. There was a strong resurgence of Confucian ethics, especially evident for example in the Imperial Rescript on Education (1890), which linked "virtue" directly with such things as obedience to authority, national sacrifice, and belief in the emperor's divine status. In this atmosphere, Spencer himself was translated in sometimes hyper-Spencerian terms. Kato Hiroyuki, in his Jinken Shinsetsu (New Doctrine of Human Rights, 1 8 82), provides one of the best and, at the time, most influential examples. Not satisfied with a literal rendering of Darwin's famous phrase, "survival of the fittest," so central to Spencer's own philosophy, Kato felt compelled to evoke more of what he perceived to be its deeper significance, and wrote it thus: yitsho reppai-"victory of the superior and defeat of the inferior." This, he asserted, was "the law of heaven;' governing the world of plants and animals as well as that of human beings and the cultures they build (see Watanabe 1 990, 71-74). For a brief time, Kato's "victory of the superior ... "was actually adopted into biological discourse. Though largely abandoned before the second decade of the twentieth century, replaced by a much milder alternative, tekisha seizon ( "survival of the most suitable" ), Kato's phrase was nonetheless revived during the era of rising militarism in the 1 920s and 1930s, when eugenics came to Japan. Today, it is no longer used on any sort of regular basis and has been veritably driven from the language of evolutionary biology. Yet it has not disappeared; it is still listed in dictionaries, without comment, as an equivalent to Spencer's seemingly immortal phrase. 235 
• A tabela periodica é composta de nomes nativos derivados do chinês, nomes novos compostos em japonês e ainda nomes fonéticos que importavam as várias terminologias ocidentais.
• A historiografia da cc japonesa foi influenciada por seu internacionlismo. As produções dos historioadores saem em japones, chines, ingles, alemão e frances.

Issues and examples for the study of scientific translation today

• Mito universalimso:
• Perhaps the greatest myth of all has been the notion that a discourse of knowledge could be created that, used "naturally" in everyday situations-in writing, speaking, and listening-and penetrating all the world's major languages, would emerge essentially untouched by any of them. For if science is truly a universal form of discourse, then all questions of translation (save those of accuracy) become trivial. If, on the other hand, scientific speech is today more like literature or philosophy in being unable to escape certain dependencies upon localized linguistic phenomena, then the complexities of transfer across languages and cultures remain. Indeed, if scientific discourse undergoes even a few substantive changes across linguistic boundaries, translation must be accepted as imposing its own determinations on technical knowledge in the present. 253-4
• Não existe world english, mas world englishes. Logo:
• Comparing papers or abstracts that have appeared in journals published in China, Malaysia, and India, for example, will show that one is not dealing with a standardized scientific discourse at all, but instead with something approaching a series of technical dialects, whose contents are adapted in overt and subtle ways to the conventions of each particular linguistic community. This reality, too, varies among disciplines: different scientific fields exhibit different levels of nomenclatural standardization even in English. And this sort of thing is bound to be compounded by a range of other factors specific to each cultural setting, including the comparative level of "modernization" among different fields and the complicated mix of older and more modern terminology that exists in certain ancient disciplines (e.g., botany or astronomy). In any case, different Englishes, to an important extent, make for different sciences-if by "science" we are to understand a domain of knowledge and labor grounded in the written and spoken word. 257-8
• Demonstra com um estdos de caso em cc indiana.
• Globalização e internet força os cientistas a serem tradutores.263
• Estudo de caso do uso de técnicas literárias na ciencia sul-africana e da tunisia. Também ressalta as diferenças entre o chines e o ingles.
• Conclusões
• f one can contemplate science as comprising a range of activities, all with a deep linguistic dimension, then the history of language-and of languages-becomes integral to the history of science. This means, of course, the history of translation too, for, as the brief examples above suggest, and as the previous chapters have tried to demonstrate, the movement of scientific knowledge across cultural-linguistic borders has always involved substantive change-the creation of new vocabularies; the deletion and addition of epistemological matter; alterations in logic and organization; major shifts in the rhetoric of persuasion; even such deep-seated philosophical differences as the declaration of "facts" vs. the suggestion of factual possibilities. 
•  To say that these areas have little or nothing to do with something called the "true content" of science would be naive. Knowledge cannot escape its forms; and forms, in turn, must be recognized to have their determinations and involvements. The former positivist belief in a cognitive nucleus that would always remain pure and untouched by linguistic realities was, and is (where it lingers), founded on a distrust of language, a vision of its mutinous inadequacies. Thus only an artificial (or artificially constrained) discourse could ever hope to realize the dream of a one-to-one correspondence between phrase and fact, word and intended meaning. 
• [...] Science represents a vast collection of living languages and thus, in a sense, "sciences" as well. Translation has been the historical process to ensure the truth of this, both in the modern era and long before. In rendering technical knowledge mobile between peoples and through the centuries, translation has been a crucial force behind both the creation and the continual refertilization of science. 269-70

Conclusion

• Ciencia é inseparavel de seu componente linguistico. Não existe uma lingua universal.
• Cita Ortega y Gasset (273-4), Bloomfield e Kelly (mais recente) como proponentes da linguagem cientifica universal.
• Fidelidade absoluta vem da trad biblica e pressupõe universidade teologica.
• Critica MT.
• Tradutores ajudam a moldar a paisagem cientifica de suas culturas. Possuiam um papel de editores além de tradutores.
• Displacement: "the collection of efforts within the receiving culture to erase or diminish any overt signs of debt to the source culture" 280
• Such displacement takes place on a number of mundane levels, through certain forms of adaptation. Glossing; reorganization; substitution of indigenous names, titles, or terms; and other substantive changes within a text constitute one such form. As in the case of Roman science, these can have the power to transform an alien knowledge into a known terminology, to conquer and colonize its very alienness while allowing it the appearance of the wholly new and desirable. The larger effect in this case was to effectively destroy the "original." 280
• Other forms by which epistemological debts have been canceled have included the summarizing of a famous work into a handbook or other epitome, which version then comes to replace the original, or else breaking the work up into a series of segments for inclusion in a number of new works on more specific subjects. The writing of commentaries must also be counted among the styles of displacement, though with caution. For commentaries have often been fertile parasites, invigorating the host (at least for a time) with augmented fame and importance. In some cases, the concepts of "sages" or "the ancients" have had some effect in this regard too. Attributing specific works that have al- ready passed through several languages back to their original authors, in hallowed fashion, has had the effect of deleting any obvious traces of this passage, or of any debts to it. Islamic intellectuals reading Ptolemy in the eleventh or twelfth century can be forgiven for perhaps not knowing that the words before them had once passed through Syriac, Persian, and possibly Hindu. 280-1
• The various changes from paraphrase to literalism, or vice versa, within receiving cultures have also played a part in this process of cultural displacement. Both approaches, that is, have been used to devalue older versions of a particular work, to create new translations of it, and thus effectively to build up a series of renderings that stand between the scholars of a particular time and the "original" text in the earlier language. The perceived need to "correct;' "refine;' and make more "accurate" an earlier version, to return to and take possession of a particular work in the name of a later era of "better" translators, often marked the effort of one generation to delegitimize or modify the achievements of another. In such cases, perceptions of inaccuracy in earlier translations may well be partly the result of linguistic change within the receiving language: no tongue or discourse stands still for very long, no matter how standardized, and especially if subjected to the sustained heat of one or another ideology. This is where the process of nativization involves internal displacement.281
• Ver O'Donnel 1998 e Johns 1998 sobre o mito da cultura impressa fixa. Mesmo a cultura impressa muda muito entre suas edições. Textos são e sempre foram instáveis. Não existem edições definitivas.
• here are other instabilities in both handwritten and printed textual culture. It has been frequently pointed out that the appearance of the page, with its breaks between words, its paragraph structure, its use of punctuation, and other aspects, represents a collection of very recent innovations, each of which has nonetheless undergone continual evolution (Martin 1988). Even the Victorians, as an example, used punctuation a good deal differently than we do today, and editions of many classical works published during the mid-nineteenth century reveal the effects of this. A century earlier, and such aspects as spelling, grammar, and even syntax were not always what they are today. The reality is that print has provided the conditions for both standardization and continual change-for historically momentary editions of authority that then pass away before their successors.
• Traduções, contudo, são o principal fenomeno da instabilidade do texto. Afterlife de Benjamin coloca a tradução como um dos estágios de vida de um texto. 284
• Still, the value of this type of thinking is that it helps sustain questioning of the tired notions of "originality" and "imitation." It helps make plain that the long-term survival of many famous works has come not from intrinsic merit alone (or at all), but from the canonizing power translations bestow upon them-a historical reality, which therefore adds productive doubt to the notion of a sourcework's absolute, unchanging singularity. 285
• Benjamin ainda critica a equivalencia totoal. segundo montgomery (que aplica esse desdobramento pra cc) 285
• The lack of exact equivalence between words, however, is a microcosm of that same lack between "original" (or first text) and "translation;' which Benjamin elsewhere describes as "fragments of a single vessel" ( 1977, 59). Every translation, whether in literature or in science, is an entirely new "fragment" of the larger possibility of what might be said. Such a "fragment" is a new work, a new "literary event" with a future and history of its own, including (in many cases) an ultimate influence that may match or even surpass that of the first text. There is a fundamental shift in interest, therefore, that Benjamin seems to ask for, a shift from the "original" to the future "originals" that emerge from it and that acquire their own power of life and effect through time. In the end, therefore, Benjamin's ideas never leave the arena of translation in the context of history. 286 
• Sendo a tradução uma possiblidade de multitexto não há necessidade do original (isso vale pras fontes antigas). A riqueza da transmissão é maior que a riqueza do contexto.
• Discute incomensurabilidade com relação a tradução.
• Trad e fidelidade.
• "The belief (theory) that the goal of translation is to transform an alien text into a familiar one is far too confining and, in any case, fares poorly, or at least very unevenly, against the actual record. [...] , as the texts themselves reveal, the philosophy of fidelity has often resulted in more substantive change-more neologisms, corruptions, stretched or deformed syntactic forms, and so forth-than even the most ad libitum paraphrase. Literalism has proven itself, time and again, the guarantor of metamorphosis. The reason is simple, and well known: the more a translator seeks loyalty to an " original;' the more he or she is forced to create a linguistic hybrid residing somewhere between the two languages at issue." 290-1
• Trad foi uma formadora de vocabulários e acelerante de mudanças sociais amplas, além de um meio de controle estatal sobre o conhecimento estrangeiro. Também foi um multiplacador de cc.