GEOGRAPHY OF SCIENCE - Livingstone 2003 (e 1995); Secord 2004; Raj 2007; Powell 2007; Withers 2002; Ruupke 2000

 LIVINGSTONE 2003, ver 1995

• The suggestion that science has a geography goes against the grain 1
• Exemplo Darwin
• During the first year of its existence in 1863, readers of Auckland’s Southern Monthly Magazine heard the praises of Darwin’s theory of evolution sung long and loud. Darwinism, they were assured, had shed new light on the settling of New Zealand by conclusively demonstrating how a “weak and ill- furnished race” inevitably had “to give way before one which is strong.” Here Darwinism was welcomed because it perfectly suited the needs of New Zealand imperialists. It enabled the Maori to be portrayed in the language of barbarism and thereby provided legiti- macy for land-hungry colonists longing for their extinction. At the same time, things were dramatically different in the American South. Here Darwin’s theory was resisted by proponents of racial politics. Why? Because it threatened traditional beliefs about the separate cre- ation of the different races and the idea that they had been endowed by the Creator with different capacities for cultural and intellectual excellence. For racial reasons, Darwin’s theory enjoyed markedly dif- ferent fortunes in Auckland and Charleston. In these two places Dar- winism meant something different. In one place it supported racial ideology; in another it imperiled it. 4
• ver tbm 116-22 e as várias posições religiosas e mudanças feitas na russia 123
• The reception of Darwinism thus displayed an uneven regional geography. In some cases religious commitment was crucial. In oth- ers racial neuroses or political fixations controlled the diffusion of the Darwinian mind-set. In yet others the contingencies of local phys- ical geography were directly relevant. Whatever the particulars, local circumstances were decisive in shaping how regional cultures en- countered new theories. In the consumption of science, as in its pro- duction, a distinctive regionalism manifests itself. 123
• Definições show
• This case could be vastly extended, as we will later see. Darwin- ism meant different things in Russia and Canada; it meant different things in Belfast and Edinburgh; it meant different things in work- ingmen’s clubs and church halls. And much the same was true of Newton’s mechanical philosophy, of Humboldt’s global physics, and of Einstein’s theory of relativity. Their accounts were understood dif- ferently in different locations and were mobilized for different cul- tural and scientific purposes. Scientific theory evidently does not disperse evenly across the globe from its point of origin. As it moves it is modified; as it travels it is transformed. All this demonstrates that the meaning of scientific theories is not stable; rather, it is mobile and varies from place to place. And that meaning takes shape in response to spatial forces at every scale of analysis—from the macropolitical geography of national regions to the microsocial geography of local cultures. 4
• Place is essential to the generation of knowledge. It is no less sig- nificant in its consumption. Ideas and images travel from place to place as they move from person to person, from culture to culture. But mi- gration is not the same as replication. As ideas circulate, they undergo translation and transformation because people encounter representa- tions differently in different circumstances. If theories must be un-derstood in the context of the period and place they emerge from, their reception must also be temporally and spatially situated. So if we are to appreciate something of how thoughts and theories, insights and imaginings, concepts and conjectures have changed the world, we need to be as attentive to how they are appropriated as to how they are made. And what is true of images and ideas in general is true of their scientific counterparts. 11-2
• Imposições do espaço 6-7, 10, 12-3
• Lugares, regiões, leituras
• Textual meanings are mobile: they both create and are created by their own “geographies of reading". 116

SECORD 2004

• thinking always about every text, image, action, and object as the trace of an act of communication, with receivers, producers, and modes and conventions of transmission. It means eradicating the distinction between the making and the communicating of knowledge. It means thinking about statements as vectors with a direction and a medium and the possibility of response. 661
• It is not so much a question of seeing how knowledge transcends the local circumstances of its production but instead of seeing how every local situation has within it connections with and possibilities for interaction with other settings. 664
• If you want a history that truly does the job, the answer is not to invite one contributor to discuss each country separately but to find people willing to study different kinds of interactions, translations, and transformations. 669  
•  Popular science é um termo vazio. 670

RAJ 2007

• The examples presented here try and demonstrate that South Asia was not a space for the simple application of European knowledge, nor a vast site for the collection of diverse information to be processed in the metropolis, nor indeed ‘of complicated and complex knowledge created by Indians, but codified and transmitted by Europeans’. 26 On the contrary, South Asia was an active, although unequal, participant in an emerging world order of knowledge. As I shall endeavour to show, the contact zone was a site for the production of certified knowledges which would not have come into being but for the intercultural encounter between South Asian and European intellectual and material practices that took place here. In other words, although these knowledges had different trajectories in specialist communities in South Asia and Europe and were appropriated and integrated differently in the two regions (not least because of colonial domination), they partook of, and were constructed through, the same circulatory processes. 13
• The contact zone would also repay extension to other geographi- cally and historically different encounters which may or may not have included Europe in knowledge making. The contact zones and spaces of knowledge circulation between South, Central, and West Asia, or between South East Asia and China in the pre-modern and early-mod- ern eras are possible areas of investigation with rich historical sources. Equally, the notion can be fruitfully applied to the encounter and interaction between distinct specialist communities in the making of knowledge even within Europe—as has been shown here for the con- tact zone between the worlds of trade and learning—or for that matter within disciplinary fields. For, specialized disciplines themselves are often constituted of interactions between knowledge communities with widely different specializations and, indeed, coming from diverse social spaces. In bringing these practices together and thereby engendering new knowledges, the role of mediator, or go-betweens, has been shown to be crucial. 14 In a series of ingenious studies of James Joules, Otto Sibum, for instance, has shown how brewers’ skills found their way into physics in the conception of the mechanical equivalent of heat. 232-3

POWELL 2007

• Apanhado geral excelente. ver tbm Finnegan 2008

WITHERS 2002

• Também dá um exemplo darwiniano. 10
• Translat
• The idea of translation denotes more, of course, than geographical or epis- temological displacement. Nicolaas Rupke has shown that the writings of Alexander von Humboldt enjoyed different reputations in different spatial settings (Rupke 1999). And he has more recently shown with reference to Chambers' Vestiges that the linguistic translation of works of science altered the work's meaning and did so in order to serve different political purposes (Rupke 2000). Such work returns us to the geographies of science's reception, to the role played in the transmission of scientific knowledge by publishers, editors, translators and readers. It points, too, to the geographies of reviewing cultures as much as it illustrates for one text the means by which the nature of scientific knowledge was differently engaged with by audiences in France, Holland and Germany. 15

RUPKE 2000

• Translation studies in the history of science
• The part played by translations of scientific texts in the development of science is as yet a largely neglected field of study. The assumption has been widespread that the language of science was, and continues to be, an international language, a lingua franca, either quite literally so, in medieval and early modern times, when Latin was the medium of scholarly and scientific discourse, or conceptually, as a result of a universal, shared rationality. To the extent that the fact of translation is used at all, it commonly serves as no more than a bibliometric indicator of the success of a book, a measure of an author’s achievement and the international extent of his}her fame. 209
•  Translators relocate books, taking these away from the intellectual control of authors, repossessing the texts, possibly in the service of very different purposes than those for which the works were originally intended. Such alterations of meaning can be effected by new, additional prefaces, by footnote commentary, by other additions such as illustrations, by omissions and, most fundamentally, by the very act of cultural relocation. As a result, the reader may find in the text, or put into it, a different message from the one that the author had in mind. 210
• Thus translation studies connect seamlessly with recent historiographic interest in location – an interest kindled by the work of David Livingstone, Simon Schaffer, Steven Shapin and others, who have stressed the situatedness of scientific knowledge.' A detailed and systematic study of translations should prove to be highly efficient as a tool for the analysis of scientific knowledge in terms of region and territory (national, party political, social and so on) and in the cartography of scientific meaning. Translation studies could help in answering the two questions formulated by Shapin: how does science, whatever its local mainspring, travel with such remarkable efficiency, and to what extent are local circumstances involved in the meanings that scientific texts acquire and the purposes they are made to serve ? 210 
• Another connection exists, namely of translation studies with book history, the latter subject long ago encouraged by, among others, Robert Darnton and more recently promoted within the history of science by, among others, Adrian Johns, Jim Secord and Jonathan Topham.) Book historians have stressed the importance of the distance that may exist between an author and his}her readers. Darnton sketched a so-called ‘communication circuit’, showing the indirect connection of an author with the readers, via publishers, printers, binders, booksellers and librarians.* One link that is missing in this loop is that of the translator}translation. Translations form a particularly good example of the perception that context of production and context of reading are two different things, because in rendering the text into another language, the translator imposes his}her reading on the new book, and additionally offers it to a wholly new readership, far removed from the author in both geographical and cultural terms. 211
• In spite of the fact that translators conferred on the text local and personal meaning, a degree of uniformity was in fact imposed on all three language-versions of the text, and a certain ‘policing’ of the international readership did take place. This central control was not imposed by the author, translators, preface writers or any of the other links in Darnton’s communication circuit; it was done by the reviewers of the book. 220
• Vestiges and its Dutch and German translations are a fine example of the fact that a scientific text may be invested with a multiplicity of readings. Sedgwick saw in it a threat to the moral fabric of society; Seubert found in it proofs of divine design in nature; to Mulder it helped advance the cause of king and country; to Vogt it had the smell of revolution. The Dutch and German translations of Vestiges underscore the validity of the recent ‘ spatial turn’ in intellectual history and of the belief that local circumstances are implicated in the production of meaning. The three Continental translations, each embodying a different reading of the English original, demonstrated the considerable distance that may develop between the author and a foreign-language reader. The English-, Dutch-, and German-language versions of Vestiges show less a geography of the spread of Chambers’s ideas than a map of the different meanings with which the text was invested across north-western Europe. 221-2