DESCENT - Freeman (1977), Greene (1977), Gruber (1981), Hebert (1974, 1977), Jones (1978), Durant (1985), Bajema (1988), Bowler (1989), Cooke (1990), Bizzo (1992), Desmond & Moore (2009), Paul (2009), Regner (2010), Radick (2013), Sloan (2019), Desilva (2021), Carlos & Prestes (2021), Browne (2022), DCP.

D. FREEMAN 1977

• First use of evolution 129
• Diferenças nos issues
• hefirst ‘issue can be recognized by the errata onthe verso ofthetitle leaf of VolumeI, seventeen errata for Volume I and eight for VolumeI. The verso ofthe title leaf ofVolumeII ofthesecondissue has a list of nine other works by Darwin and noerrata, The verso of thehalftitle leaf of VolumeII of thefirst issue bears the printer’s note, butit is blank in the second. Thefirst issue has a note on a tipped in leaf (pp.[ix-x}) in Volume I which refers to ‘a serious and unfortunate error’ which affects pages 297-299 in VolumeI, and pages 161 and 237 in VolumeIl. In the secondissue this leaf is absent and the relevant pages have been entirely reset. The easiest way to distinguish the twoissues ofVolume I aloneis to lookatthe first word on page 297. It is ‘transmitted’ in the first issue and ‘When’ in the second, .... The first issue, of2,500 copies, was published on February 24, and the second, of 2,000 copies, in March. Both cost £r. 4s. and werein standard bindings. The end-papers ofthefirst issue are invariably, in my experience, dark green almost black; whilst those of the second maybethe same,or dark brown. 129
• Darwin's copy unique 129
• Darwin diz que fez correções entre os reprints.130
• Segunda ed a 1877
• The second edition of 1874, the tenth thousand, is in one volume in threeparts, instead ofthe twoofthe first, sexualselectionin relation to man being separated off as the third part. It is extensively revised and contains a note on the brains of man and apes by T. H. Huxley at pp. 199-206, and a five line errata slip. This and the subsequent four printings are octavos in twelves, whilst that of 1882 becomes an octavo in eights; all are in standard bindings. The eleventh thousand of 1875 has the errata corrected as well as small textual changes. The twelfth thousandof 1877 has addedat the ead, pp. 620-624, a supplemental note whichis reprinted from Nature of November 2 1876,p. 18. This is the final definitive text, and subsequent one volumeissues until the turn of the century are from stereosofit. 130
• Trads
• It was translated into Danish, Dutch, French, German,Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin'slifetime and into ten further languages since. These include two in Yiddish, one from America and one from Poland, the only Darwins in this language. 131

GREENE 1977

• Harris coloca Darwin como Racista. D Freeman o separa totalmente do darwinismo social. Ver  nota 3 para as posições de vários autores. 1-2
• Disparidade justificada pela ambiguidade de Darwin. 2
• Prichard 3
• Lantham 4
• Spencer 6
• Homem no big book
• Darwin's query - "quote in Ch 6?" - shows that he was contemplating discussing human evolution in the treatise on the origin of species on which he was working at the time he read these books. That he was seriously considering this is confirmed by a penciled notation in the table of contents of the "long version" of the Origin of Species recently published by Robert Stauffer under the title Charles Darwin's Natural Selection. This notation, which reads "Theory Applied to the Races of Man," shows that Darwin contemplated including a section in Chapter 6 designed to show that his theory of natural selection was applicable to human evolution and, in particular, to the evolution of human races. The proposed section seems never to have been written, but the general nature of the argument Darwin had in mind seems clear enough from his annotations of the books in his library, several of them bearing annotations specifically labeled for use in Chlapter 6. These annotations show beyond question that he intended to prove that the same agencies of population pressure, struggle for existence, migration, encroachment and extinction of races and tribes, differential susceptibility to disease, and so forth, that played a central role in his theory of evolution by natural selection had shaped the early development of mankind. They also show his tendency to focus on human races as the biological equivalent in the human sphere of the varieties of plants and animals which formed the materials of evolution in the organic world generally. 5
• Centralidade do homem também aparece em uma carta para leyll de 11/10/1859 e no notebook e.
• Wallace e a origem natural das faculdades humanas em 1864 impressionaram Darwin 7 É interessante que Wallace cite Spencer na parte mais social desse paper. 9
• Galton
• If Darwin had any doubt about the heritability of mental and moral capacities and dispositions, it was effectively removed when he read Francis Galton's articles on  "Hereditary Talent and Character" in Macmillatn's Magazine in June and August 1 9
• Galton also reinforced Wallace's idea that natural selection favors tribes in which the affections (sexual, parental, filial, and social) are strongest. "Those who possessed all of them, in the strongest measure, would, speaking generally, have an advantage in the struggle for existence," Galton wrote. In particular, Darwin marked for quotation in Chapter 3 or 4 of The Descent of Man Galton's observation that disinterested feelings were more necessary to man than to any other animal because of the length of his dependency in childhood, his great social needs, and his physical helplessness. "Darwin's law of natural selection would therefore be expected to develop these sentiments among men, even among the lowest barbarians, to a greater degree than among animals," Galton concluded. Darwin also drew from Galton a historical example of natural selection of psychological and moral traits: ... A second theme which caught Darwin's attention in these articles was Galton's concern with negative selection -- the survival of the "unfit" - in civilized societie10
• Darwin seems to have been impressed by Galton's discussion of the deleterious effects of negative selection in civilized nations, for he marked a passage of this kind in Galton's second article and made a note to himself to refer to it in Chapter 4 of The Descent of Man, where, in fact, he cites Galton and echoes some of his views: ... Thus Galton's essay, coming hard on the heels of Wallace's article of 1 864, seems to have strengthened Darwin's belief that mental and moral capacities and dispositions were heritable and that natural selection had acted on them throughout history in the competition of individuals, tribes, nations, and races. On the one hand, natural selection had operated to strengthen the social and sympathetic feelings among men. On the other, these feelings had acted to inhibit the operation of natural selection in civilized societies, thereby posing a threat to the continued progress of mankind. Here was a dilemma Darwin was to wrestle with in The Descent of Man without achieving a resolution 11
• Greg darwinista social 12-3
• Bagehot
• In these essays Bagehot combined Spencer's concept of the inherited effects of daily activities on the nervous system, Darwin's theory of natural selection, and some theories of his own to explain social evolution. Progress, he insisted in a passage marked by Darwin, was neither necessary or normal in human history. Among primitive men the "cake of custom," subjecting individuals to group norms and instilling the habit of implicit obedience, had to be formed before political organization was possible. 14
• Beneficial variability 15
• Darwin himself was interested in applying the theory of natural selection to history. He underlined, no doubt with some satisfaction, Bagehot's observation that "as every great scientific conception tends to advance its boundaries and to be of use in solving problems not thought of when it was started, so here, what was put forward for mere animal history may, with a change of form, but an identical essence, be applied to human history." In The Descent of Man Darwin would echo several of Bagehot's assertions: that progress is not inevitable or even usual in human societies, that any form of polity is better than none, that military conflict has negative as well as positive effects on human progress. He may also have drawn unconsciously on Bagehot's theory of social imitation in developing his own concept of the role of "standards of excellence" in the progress of civilization. Bagehot applied this theory primarily in explaining the origins of national character: "At first a sort of 'chance predominance' made a model, and then invincible attraction, the necessity which rules all but the strongest men to imitate what is before their eyes, and to be what they are expected to be, moulded men to that model." Finally, Bagehot echoed Galton in speculating that the "eager restlessness" and "highly-strung nervous organizations" of the Anglo-Americans were "useful in continual struggle, and also . . . promoted by it 16
• Variation
• Darwin was interested in this argument, as his underlining of the words "beneficial variability" in a similar passage shows. The subject of racial mixtures was very much on his mind at this time in connection with his work on The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication. In that work he speculated on the possible deleterious effects of racial mixtures as follows 15
• Page
• First came the Negro, then the Malay, the American Indian, and the Mongol, and finally the Caucasian. "The higher and advancing has ever passed over the inferior and stationary; the older and effete must ever make way for the recent and vigorous. The whole history of mankind is but a record of aggression and subjugation, of progress and extinction."' 9 The progressive improvement of the human race through the competition of nations and races would continue into the future ... "the white man is 'improving off the face of the earth' even races nearly his equal" and confessed that it would give him "infinite satisfaction" to believe that his generation would be regarded as "mere Barbarians" 17
• extinction of civs and triumh of nobler races 18
• Descent
• he struggled to reconcile his conviction that competition between individuals, tribes, nations, and races was essential to the progress of mankind with his equally strong sense of "the obligations of enlightened humanity" toward peoples "lower in the scale" of human existence. In Chapters 4 and 5 of The Descent of Man the results of Darwin's reflection on these and other books and articles he had read and annotated were set forth at considerable length. Ever since the publication of the Origin of Species, speculation had been rife concerning the bearing of Darwin's theory of natural selection on the evolution of man and society. "Light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history," Darwin had predicted. Now it was time for Darwin himself to shed light on this allabsorbing question. In general, Darwin recognized three kinds of influences in human evolution: (I) the action of natural selection on man's physical, intellectual, and moral faculties; (2) the inherited effects of mental and moral exercise; and (3) the influence of social institutions, public opinion, and other cultural factors. In the case of precivilized societies, he assigned predominant influence to natural selection, aided by the inherited effects of mental and moral training and activit 18
• Darwin here appears to interpret superiority in "the arts" (technology) as evidence of innate intellectual superiority, which, in turn, is viewed as the product of natural selection. This is in keeping with the view expressed in his letter to Lyell in 1859 ... Darwin noted, however, that, "as the progenitors of man became social," the intellectual powers would be increased and modified through imitation and the inherited effects of mental activity as well as by natural selection. 19
• Here again, the emphasis is on natural selection of the most intelligent individuals, the multiplication of the tribe through its superiority in technology, and the consequent increase in the chances of producing "other superior and inventive members." The habitual practice of the newly invented arts provides an auxiliary source of intellectual improvement. As for man's "social and moral faculties," such as sympathy, fidelity, and courage, these too, Darwin conjectured, "were no doubt acquired . . . through natural selection, aided by inherited habit. 20
• Darwin even tried to envisage the steps by which the number of morally well-endowed men might increase in certain tribes. The habit of aiding one's fellow tribesmen, he reasoned, might originate from an expectation of receiving their aid in return. This habit, practiced through many generations, would tend to be inherited. More important still, public opinion within the tribe would strongly reinforce socially desirable modes of behavior and discourage nonsocial ones. In the long run, the increase in the number of well-endowed men and the steady advance in the standard of morality would give the tribes undergoing these changes victory over other tribes, "and this would be natural selection." "At all times throughout the world tribes have supplanted other tribes; and as morality is one important element in their success, the standard of morality and the number of well-endowed men will thus everywhere tend to rise and increase. That "moral faculties", like intellectual abilities, were heritable Darwin had no doubt, but whether the effects of moral training were also heritable was a question on which he was less sure. In The Descent of Man he quoted the dictum of "our great philosopher" Herbert Spencer that "the experiences of the human race, have been producing corresponding modifications, which, by continued transmission and accumulation, have become in us certain faculties of moral intuition 20-1
• He concluded, however, that virtuous tendencies, at least in some cases, were probably heritable ... trongly reminiscent of similar passages in Galton's essays on "Hereditary Talent and Character," ends on a strongly optimistic note. The social instincts, established by natural selection and strengthened by reason, habit, instruction and example, will gradually become more tender and widely diffused, "extending to men of all races, to the imbecile, maimed, and other useless members of society, and finally to the lower animals," as the standard of morality rises higher and higher. 21
• . Progress, he observed on the authority of Bagehot and Sir Henry Maine, is not normal in human society. In primeval times it came about chiefly through the action of natural selection on man's intellectual and moral faculties in the struggle for existence. (Here Darwin cites Wallace's "admirable paper" of 1864.) In civilized societies, however, the action of natural selection is greatly diminished by the spread of humanitarian sentiments which tend to prevent the speedy elimination of the weak, the sick, the malformed, the incompetent, and other "useless" members of society. Here Darwin plunged into a discussion of negative selection in civilized society, explicitly acknowledging his debt to Wallace, Galton, and Greg. Declaring his own conviction that the humanitarian impulses of civilized man cannot be curbed without injuring "the noblest part of our nature," he went on to argue that natural selection was still operative to some degree in civilized societies and that progress or retrogression in a given society depended to a great extent on the balance between the "downward tendency" of negative selection and the positive factors counteracting it. 22
• In the ensuing paragraphs Darwin applied this general thesis to the development of Western civilization, citing the arguments of Calton, Lyell, Greg, and others in his footnotes. With Galton and Lyell he maintained that the practice of celibacy in the Middle Ages had had "a deteriorating influence on each successive generation" and that the Inquisition had retarded progress by removing from the reproductive pool the freest and boldest men - "those who doubted and questioned, and without doubting there can be no progress." Like Galton, Bagehot, and Page, he attributed the "wonderful progress" of the United States and the character of its people to the operation of natural selection, endorsing the view of the Rev. Foster Zincke that: "All other series of events - as that which resulted in the culture of mind in Greece, and that which resulted in the empire of Rome - only appear to have purpose and value when viewed in connection with, or rather as subsidiary to . . . the great stream of AngloSaxon emigration to the west." Darwin recognized, however, that natural selection was not the sole and sufficient explanation of progress and retrogression in civilized societies 22-3
• Thus Darwin attempted to balance the influence of purely cultural factors in social evolution against the long-run effects of natural selection in the struggle for existence. During most of human history, he was convinced, natural selection had played the dominant role: "Had he [man] not been subjected during primeval times to natural selection, assuredly he would never have attained to his present rank." In civilized societies, however, natural selection played a smaller role, "for such nations do not supplant and exterminate one another as do savage tribes." "The more efficient causes of progress seem to consist of a good education during youth whilst the brain is impressible, and of a high standard of excellence, inculcated by the ablest and best men, embodied in the laws, customs and traditions of the nations, and enforced by public opinion. "29 But natural selection was still at work, even in civilized nations. The more intelligent members of such nations would be more successful than the inferior members and leave a more numerous progeny. In the long run, Darwin concluded, "a nation which produced during a lengthened period the greatest number of highly intellectual, energetic, brave, patriotic, and benevolent men, would generally prevail over less favored nations." And those peoples, like the Spainards in South America, who had ceased to be subject to a severe struggle for existence would tend to become indolent and retrograde. So it was in Darwin's "General Summary" at the end of The Descent of Man. On the one hand, he stressed the predominant influence of "habit, the reasoning powers, instruction, religion, &c.," in improving the "moral qualities" which constituted "the highest part of man's nature." On the other, he insisted on the necessity of a "severe struggle" if mankind was to advance still further instead of sinking into indolence: "our natural rate of increase, though leading to many and obvious evils, must not be greatly diminished by any means. There should be open competition for all men; and the most able should not be prevented by laws or customs from succeeding best and rearing the largest number of offspring."30 British belief in the beneficent effects of competitive struggle had not yet succumbed to the ethos of the welfare state. 23-4
• Darwinismo social
• It should be apparent from the foregoing discussion that there was nothing original in Darwin's views on social evolution except the general perspective provided by his theory of evolution by natural selection, and that had been anticipated to a considerable degree in the matter of social evolution by Herbert Spencer's writings in the 1850's. Darwin did little, if any, original research on social evolution, but he read widely in search of information that would illustrate the applicability of his theory of natural selection to the case of man. Before 1859, as we have seen, his attention was focused on the struggle for existence among tribes and races in early human history, with special emphasis on races as the human equivalent of the varieties produced by natural selection among animals generally. But he decided to omit this aspect of his theory from the Origin of Species in order not to distract attention from the main theme. The publication of Darwin's Origin of Species led inevitably to attempts, especially in Britain, to apply the theory of natural selection to the favorite problem of nineteenth-century social theorists: the causes of progress and retrogression in human history. Building on the tradition of British political economy, Spencer had already stressed the importance of competitive struggle and survival of the fittest, aided by the inherited effects of mental and moral exercise, in social evolution; and Bagehot, Galton, and others soon followed suit in the wake of Darwin's Origin of Species. In less than a decade the idea of progress through competitive struggle was elevated from the status of a principle of political economy to that of a law governing biological and social evolution. The "Lamarckian" principle of the inheritance of acquired characters, far from constituting a rival principle of explanation, was viewed as cooperating with the law of natural selection in bringing about the gradual improvement of the human race. Finally, the sense of Westem, and more especially British or Anglo-Saxon, superiority over other nations and races seemed confirmed by the findings of science as well as by the progress of history. There can be little doubt that Darwin shared these ebullient beliefs in the upward progress of mankind through the competition of individuals, tribes, nations, and races and the inherited effects of mental and moral exercise, in the peculiar excellence of the Anglo-Saxon people, and in the gradual triumph of superior races over those "lower in the scale." 24-5
• Cartas para Gaskell (11/1878) e Graham (1881) deixam isso mais claro ainda 25
• Conclusão
• This view of history would find few supporters today, but we should not therefore rush to brand Darwin a "racist" or dismiss him as a bourgeois exponent of British imperialism. If, as seems clear, he shared the belief of most of his contemporaries in the existence of racial differences in intellectual ability and moral disposition, he did so because lhe thought the evidence seemed to require it, and he qualified his statements in cases where the evidence seemed contradictory, as in the case of the moral differences "believed to exist" between human races. Ever the cautious scientist, Darwin was much inore reserved and open-minded in his judgments on the heritability of acquired characters, the superior talents of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, and the role of natural selection in history than were most of the writers whose works he read and annotated. Above all, he was careful to recognize "the obligations of enlightened humanity' toward the peoples of every nation and race and to make it clear that, whatever the deleterious genetic effects of preserving the sick, the weak, and the imbecile, people must obey the promptings of their sympathetic impulses, for these, too, were products of the evolutionary process. But even with respect to these impulses of our "nobler nature," Darwin could not resist hoping that they, too, would eventually become part of man's genetic endowment, "fixed by inheritance." Only if nurture could be transformed into nature by natural selection and the inherited effects of habit and mnoral training could Darwin enjoy the high satisfaction of believing that he and Lyell and Huxley - yes, even Shakespeare and Newton - would some day be looked back on as mere savages by a remote posterity shaped to a higher destiny by the patient processes of nature-history 25-6
• From the foregoing account of the development of Darwin's ideas about social evolution it seems fair to conclude that what we call "social Darwinism" - the belief that competition between individuals, tribes, nations, and races has been an important, if not the chief, engine of progress in human history - was endemic in much of British thought in the midnineteenth century, that Darwin's Origin of Species gave a powerful boost to this kind of thinking, and that Darwin himself was deeply influenced by this current of thought. We should not jump to the conclusion that all British social thought was of this character, however ....  The idea that Darwin, unlike Spencer and other contemporaries, was a pure scientist confronting nature unhampered by preconceived ideas about nature, society, man, and God must be abandoned. Like every other scientist, Darwin approached nature, human nature, and society with ideas derived from his culture, however much his scientific researches may have changed those ideas in the long run. This essay has given some idea of the assumptions about man and society he imbibed from British culture along with Spencer, Wallace, Bagehot, Galton, and Greg. A future essay will attempt to delineate a more general Spencerian-Darwinian world view on which Spencer, Darwin, Wallace, and Huxley converged about 1860, only to diverge again before the century had run its course. 26-7

GRUBER 1981

• Ver notas

HERBERT

1974

• Darwin não faz coletas de artefatos humanos porque a sociedade etnológica ainda não havia sido fundada. Assim também não há anotações sistemáticas, apenas observações 225
• Sobre popularizações
• It would be taking a misleadingly narrow view of what constitutes a scientific account to  denigrate the Diary or the Journal o f Researches on the grounds that they are popular works. Travel narrative was, of course, anestablished genre which appealed to a wide public, but in the hands of a Humboldt or a Darwin it became an instrument for awakening the public to the excitement of science as well as an instrument that provided the author with a convenient vehicle for announcing a great variety of finds in more specialized fields. 226
  
• This record was not a popularization, for few of these researches had yet been published in any form. On the other hand, it was not a monograoh. It was a scientific work, but one modeled on the idea of nature present in Humbolt's Personal Narrative rather than on the idea of science inherent in, say, one of Cuvier's monographs. 227
  
• Dois temas antropológicos poderiam ter a ver com a conversão para transmutação, distinção entre selvagens e civilizados e a distribuição geográfica dos povos. Mas nenhum faz sentido 228
• the difference between what he termed savage man and what he termed civilized man as though it were a difference between potential and actual states of being. For that reason the opposition he set up between savage and civilized did not constitute a step in the direction of an espousal of the notion of the mutability of species. Whatever the strength of the psychological effect on Darwin of "the first sight in his native haunt, of a real barbarian," the terms he used during the voyage to describe the passage between savage and civilized were not  transmutationist. 229
  
• It is interesting that Darwin never hesitated to use it with respect to the human species, but aside from their ready naturalism, his discussions of the geographical distribution of the human species do not seem to have been the critical examples which moved him closer to a belief in the transmutation of species. 231
  
• Após considerar várias possibilidades, marca o RN como ponto de transição da transmutação. 246
• Conclusão
• the subject of man did not figure in his initial formulation of a transmutationist position. Only after the commitment to the new point of view had been made did the issues emerge which will be treated in Part II of this article. However, we may close by noting Darwin's
  inherited disposition on the subject: in the summer of 1837 Darwin responded to Lyell's claim that the change from irrational animal to rational man represented "a phenomenon of a distinct kind from the passage from the more simple to the more perfect forms of animal
  organization and instinct" with a fanciful doodle in the margin. The thoughts behind the bemused scribbling were to occupy a good portion of Darwin's time for the next two years. 257
• Metodologia interessante
• This means, then, whatever the interest inherent in individual passages from the Ornithological Notes and its counterparts, the entire work, or set of works, should be seen
  in terms of the audience to which it was addressed. Holding the audience to mind can aid in interpreting particular passages and in identifying the subjects that necessarily demanded attention while a particular project was under way 240

1977

• Audiência e Programa de Recepção
• The audience (and community) which Darwin recognized was narrowly defined. At first this may appear a contentious claim since the natural history tradition, in which Darwin’s Journal of Researches stands, was very broad, and since, in later life, Darwin had much to do with breeders whose work lay outside of science proper. Yet closer inspection of his record of publication suggests that he preferred the more select audience when given a choice - for example the Geological Society of London over the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Furthermore, he rarely addressed himself to the public on scientific subjects. Where a Lye11or a Huxley engaged in public lectures, Darwin was silent. Indeed, he was uncomfortable with colleagues who went too easily to the public and uncharacteristically harsh with those who willingly converted scientific reputation to public standing. Such is the meaning of his sharp words against Charles Lye11 and Roderick Murchison in his autobiography.9 Darwin’s motivation for this extreme caution in approaching the public can only be surmised. Personal modesty, satisfaction with inherited social status, sensitivity to the potentially controversial nature of the subject matter, and family recollections of the erratic public reception of Erasmus Darwin’s works all may have figured.10 Whatever the cause, the effect was to leave Darwin open to the criteria set by a narrowly defined scientific audience and closed to those of any other. 
• In adopting the term “audience” to describe Darwin’s presentation of himself, one must exercise some caution. Describing relations in science using terminology drawn from the stage can obviously be done more readily for popular science, where the theatrical metaphor can be imposed with less strain, than for the restricted tradition of established science.” Yet the increasing professionalization and specialization of science during the nineteenth century created an interesting situation from a theatrical perspective, in that all members of the most select scientific audience came to double as performers. Under one guise an individual practitioner was a performer meeting the expectations of a critical audience; under another guise this same individual served as a member of that audience, judging the performance of others. 160-2
• ...
• The changing relation between scientific audience and performer as it affected Darwin’s presentation of himself was primarily the result of two developments on the English scene: the emergence of philosophy of science as a discipliner3 and the recent founding of specialized societies devoted to the study of botany, geology, and zoology.r4 Apart from their effect on content, these developments altered social forms for expression within science. That is, the presence and activities of philosophers of science and specialized societies served, though often indirectly, to set standards on such secondary matters as the organization of scientific papers, the definition of evidence, the nature of proof, and th like. One such formal social aspect affected by the work of the philosophers and the societies was the public and professional understanding of what constituted a correct scientific posture. By scientific posture is meant the manner in which a practioner of science presents himself to his audience, in&ding how he characterizes his function within the scientific enter-prise.15 Assuming a correct posture is thus a means by which the scientific performer establishes trust between himself and his audience. Yet, unfortunately for those in natural history who were theoretically inclined, the accepted scientific posture in the 1830’s was not that of the theorist. Thus the theoretical Darwin of the late 1830’s was forced to mask his own interest under the guise of being a more ordinary practitioner of science than he indeed was. As an apt performer, he presented himself, and his work, in conformity with the expectations of his audience. Those responsible for the situation which required this misrepresentation were not hostile to science. On the contrary, they were those very philosophers of science and specialists who, looking backward to what they saw as a period of excessive speculation, saw their own cautionary attitude toward theory as salutary and conducive to orderly growth in science. Their attitudes require elucidation. 163-4
• Atividade apenas teórica não era bem vista. 171 Darwin não se apresentava como teórico, devido às expectativas de sua audiência que não gostavam de teoria. 
• In sum, no audience which Darwin chose to address licensed him to present himself as a theorist ...  For Darwin, accepting the social forms provided by the scientific audience eased his entry into their company. The sacrifice of complete self-expression, even if he had been inclined to it, must have seemed a small price to pay (although an inconvenient one for historians) in exchange for the respect of his colleagues. And in this he was right, for ultimately his good standing with the scientific audience gained a fair hearing for all of his published works. 176
• there was no one obvious scientific forum for discussions concerning man 178
• Notebooks M e N ainda mais fora das disciplinas da época. 188 
• Audiência de novo
• published various portions of his theoretical work as they met the expectations of specialized scientific audiences. This principle explains the content and timing of publications based on theoretical work from the notebooks. 189
• It need only be emphasized that twenty years had been required for an audience to form which, even then, was comprised of two codiscoverers, each the audience for the other, supported by a band of colleagues of one of the pair carrying the joint announcement of the theory before a scientific body. A meager audience in numbers, but one that satisfied Darwin’s requirements for presentation of his work. No other explanation is needed for the twenty-year interval between the transmutation notebooks and the Origin of Species.190
• In contrast to the situation in geology and zoology, the scientific audience for the material contained in the M and N notebooks simply did not exist, even potentially. Darwin knew very well that no contemporary scientific body would sanction the utterly naturalistic view of man he had come to. He could also see no scientific audience which might accommodate other themes from the notebooks. Thus, following his rule, he did not reveal himself. In this case, however, Darwin guarded himself on so many levels and over so long a period of time that full selfexpression eventually became unthinkable. It would have required too much undoing. 
• The primary mask was assumed deliberately. Very consciously, he drained his species argument of references to man. No discussion of human origins appears in any draft. Further, when discussing mental activity and behavior, subjects he had developed most powerfully in relation to man, Darwin turned to non human examples to make his points. Even then, habit and instinct figured less prominently in successive drafts of the theory .63With these changes, the contents of M and N were all but unrecognizable in the formal exposition of the theory. 190-91
• Darwin’s ability to judge audiences permitted the remarkably graceful reception of the Origin [??] within science. Yet although successful, his strategy was not without cost to himself, to science, and to the public’s perception of both. On the subject of man, costs ran highest. Here Darwin had worked out his views in private, without benefit of a contemporary audience. By the time he could speak freely, his emotional ties to the subject were gone, leaving him uncharacteristically cool to the sensivities of others. Lyell, with his hesitations, went unreassured. Moreover, since Darwin had worked out his conclusions on man in isolation from his peers, his positive contributions were not readily absorbed when published. .... Thus the cost for science of privately kept knowledge was high. The integration of the human sciences into general evolutionary theory was left to future generations. 193-4
• Mudança para transmutação na interseção da linha de pesquisa zoológica e botânica (B a E) e filosófica (M e N). 191
• M e N
• Since these later works were published on the strength of an already formed reputation, with less regard for the requirements of specific audiences, they are relatively pure representations of Darwin’s views. 192
  
• Indeterminação de Darwin
• Public understanding of Darwin’s views on human society has been muddled for the same reason. From his writings it is not altogether clear what arrangement of human society Darwin believed natural.Onebased on competition? On cooperation? Or some other element? Here again Darwin’s exteme caution in choosing and addressing an audience promoted the confusion. Even after fame had guaranteed him a public audience, he would not address it on all subjects. His inaction left the field to others. The divergence in application of his writings to society on both academic and practical questions was thus a cost of his strategy of self-presentation. Those, like Wallace, who were explicit in expressing their social views publicly were not penalized in the same way. 195
• The Darwin as he was to himself must be held against, not substituted for, the Darwin as he wasto others. What ambiguity Darwin left in his wake must be charged to that very solicitude for audiences which enabled him to succeed. It was a cost of his strategy. 195-6
  
• Homem nos cadernos
• Caderno B
•  Discutido como qualquer outra sp até o fim do caderno. 196
• Homem como sp única com raças geográficas 196-7
• Dislacement do homem no progresso, mas ainda mais complexo 197-200
• Letme review his main conclusions: Darwin held that man was a geologically recent species divided into geographical races. He did not doubt that man was rational, but he rejected the notion that man was the end of creation, either in the sense of being its highest form or in the sense of being an inevitable product of the evolutionary process. Man, like other species, was accidental in his particulars. Were he destroyed, new forms would take his place in the economy of nature. What those forms might be was not predictable given the number of elements operating in the system. Making man fully part of nature, and of his theory, satisfied Darwin immensely. 200
• Encaixe de tudo aumentava a persuasão 201
• the whole of metaphysics 201
• Caderno C
• Assertivo e enérgico 201 Tudo se encaixando dava confiança 202
• Discute religião 202
• Ataque a razaão
• Darwin’s counterproposal was to assert a continuity between man and animals on all points (C, pp. 76-77). The gradation between physical form which all had observed would be presumed to obtain for mental attributes as well. Because of the principle of gradation, Darwin would assert that man was separated from the animals by a “hiatus” rather than a “saltus”(C, p. 154). To explain the steps in the gradation, Darwin invoked the notion of replacement of function, that is, that less definite mental activity (reason) replaced more definite mental activity (instinct) as one ascended the scale (C, pp. 77-78). (I use the word “scale” here intentionally since both gradation and replacement are notions which have a scalar aspect to them, in keeping with their eighteenthcentury origins.) 203
• Also on the empirical side, it is important to note that Darwin went to great effort to provide evidence for his assertion that the mental difference between man and animals was entirely one of degree. To do this, he required a system whose operation he could document where human and animal minds expressed themselves in identical or commensurable terms. This he found in the emotional realm. If he could show that man and at least some other animals possessed a similar system of emotional expression, he could substantiate his claim that there existed a gradation between mental phenomena in man and animal. With that in mind, Darwin set out to study the expressive behavior of the higher primates. He visited the London zoo for this purpose and spent time observing the orangutans and baboons (C, pp. 79, 154). His observations there convinced him that this was an “important” way of viewing the subject (C, p. 243). He knew he wasnot the first to think so 206
• Eventually, in The Expression of Emotions in Man and Animals (1872), he was able to extend his observations and establish his position in a thoroughly systematic and empirical fashion. This work was not, of course, a complete confirmation of his claims respecting the continuity between man and animals since it did not touch on reason per se. But to Darwin’s contemporaries the moral, and hence the emotional,facultywasofequal standing with the rational in distinguishing man from other species. So in demonstrating a commensurability between man and animals with respect to the expression of emotions, Darwin was addressing the issue of man’s place in nature at what was an appropriate point for his contemporaries. 207
• Era totalmente lamarckista
• The unacceptable element in the system was what he took to be Larmarck’s assumption that organisms act willfully or freely in filling their needs (C, p. 63). Otherwise, Darwin embraced Lamar&% explanation for the origin of functional adaptiation. Since this is not generally understood, the point requires emphasis, and this is most easily provided by quotation, Here, for example, is Darwin on the subject of the origin of webfootedness in birds: “a bird can swimwithout being web footed yet with much practice and led on by circumstance it becomes web footed” (C, p. 173). Or on the link between behavioral and structural change: “Hereditary ambling horses (if not looked as instinctive) then must be owing to hereditary ambling horses (if not looked as instinctive) then must be owing to hereditary power of muscles - Then we SEE structure gained by habit” (C, p. 163). Or again: “According to my views, habits give structure,... habits precede structure,... habitual instincts precede structure.-” (C, p. 199). In short, in the course of keeping notebook C Darwin became a Lamarckian. 204
• Range of topics 205
• Interesse na mente leva ao M. 205
• Procura sujeitos experimentais: crianças, selvagens, loucos e sonâmbulos. 206
• Conclusão
• In sum, then, the major themes emerging from notebook C which pertain to man are: Darwin’s overweening confidence in his theory, his assignment of reason to animals, his Lamarckian focus on behavior in relation to adaptation, and his interest in the empirical demonstration of his ideas. For the sake of completeness, I should mention that Darwin also considered man from other points of view in the notebook. Brief comments appear on human phylogeny (C, pp. 174,234), racial inequalities (a circumstance he found at variance with the Christian imperative to brotherhood) (C, pp. 196,204,217), sexual differences (C, p. 178), and the place of man in creation (C, pp. 196-197). 207
• D e M
• Em 1838 Darwin fica atento a sua temporalidade, passando a datar suas notas e produzir textos sobre suas memórias e biografa. 208
• Hebert acredita que Malthus fazia parte de seu expanded program of reading relacionado ao caderno M e N. Ou seja, o homem estaria relacionado ao desenvolvimento da seleção. 215
• Darwin gained from Malthus an understanding of intraspecific competition around which he built his theory of natural selection.104 Selection quickly became the primary locus of his theory on species. Thus Darwin’s entrance into new fields altered his theory in a direction and to an extent which he could not have imagined beforehand. Once Darwin had natural selection in hand, he could relegate the question of the source of variation to a secondary position in his entire theory. This allowed him to publish a theory of evolution without simultaneously advancing a theory of genetics. Thus because of the enormous effect of Malthus on Darwin’s work, biology remains permanently indebted to the field of political economy, as it does to the ability and willingness of certain individuals like Darwin to transgress the boundaries between fields. 216
• It should be noted, for example, that immediately upon gaining an appreciation of Malthusian principles of population, and this on page 6 of the first volume of the Erssuy, Darwin went on to finish the work, assimilating Malthus’s observations on human behavior to his own. For example, in notes dated October 2, 1838, Darwin cited the views of both Malthus and Adam Smith in considering the adaptive value of strong and presumably ancient emotions.r06 Similarly, later that week Darwin noted that Malthus had explained in an analytical fashion why chasity was regarded as a virtue in women (N, p. 10). Darwin also reminds himself to check Malthus’s views on “passions of mankind, as being really useful to them” before developing his own view of the “origin of evil passions” (N, pp. 10-I 1). Thus, quite in the manner expected, Darwin found Malthus’s views on human behavior absorbing. The fact that he received an unexpected insight from the first few pages of the Essay did not deter him from reading the entire work with his original end in view. 217
• Mente
• The point of departure in notebook M wasthe Lamarckian notion of adaptation. Darwin could have enhanced its probability in any number of ways. In hindsight, the roads not taken are most obvious. There is nothing in the notebook about a physical conduit for inheritance. Nor is there anything explaining the transfer of behavioral characteristics from the individual to the species. Indeed, the line between individual and species is not clearly drawn. But genetics aside, the kinds of inquiries Darwin made in the notebook are on the mark. For example, being keen to show that the mind does affect the body, he recorded a number of case histories from his father which show as much. Similarly, he collected examples suggesting that supposedly rational human beings behave habitually or instinctually on all sorts of occasions. And he did examine what seemed to him difficult requirements of the Lamarckian scheme. 217
• he saw that it required him to believe that the mind operated on at least two levels. On the conscious level, the mind was a tabulu rum On the unconscious level, it was disposed toward more habitual or instinctive action. Further, he saw that the mind must operate on these two levels simultaneously. To convince himself that this was so, he recorded instances where the split between conscious and unconscious modes was clearly marked. He expected splits to be most observable among individuals in extreme conditions - the very young, the very old, the insane. Hence many of the case histories he took from his father the week of July 15pertain to insanity. For a similar reason, he sought to analyze borderline states of consciousness such as dreams (M, pp. 11l-l 13, 143-144) or states, like the playing of music from memory (M, p. 8), where unconscious knowledge was acted on. Finally, by midway through the notebook, he was satisfied that his presumption was factual. Moreover, he concluded from his empirical inquiries that the unconscious mind was not necessarily accessible to conscious recall and manipulation, He termed the conscious-unconscious split “double consciousness” or, in associationist language, the coexistence of separate trains of thought. strking example M 44-5 218
• As a Lamarckian, Darwin could also explain the differential in learning ability between young and old. Children, he observed, learn more readily than adults, which is entirely predictable if one considers the Lamarckian principle that only what one knows before producing children can affect the next generation (M, pp. 82, 104). On a cultural level, Darwin used the Lamarckian hypothesis to account for the paradoxical nature of man’s conduct: “Evil passions” like anger and revenge were once preservative and hence ingrained in man’s nature, while “good” or cooperative inclinations are adaptations to the more recent requirements of civilized life (M, pp. 123, 125). (As a practical corollary to these views, Darwin advocated universal education, which he believed would further the implantation of virtue in the race. [C, p. 2201.) Finally, Darwin sought to multiply the links between his understanding of behavior and points already established in his theory. ... In sum, then, as of the end of notebook M, the Lamarckian notion of adaptation, and its complementary understanding of behavior, occupied an important, even central, place in Darwin’s theory. It seemed probable and it fitted well with other points in the theory.219
• Metateóricamente seguia o materialismo e o determinismo. 219 Positivismo
• Darwin found congenial the views of August Comte, whose classic work the Cours dephilosophiepositive he had read a review of in August .lO* Darwin explicitly identified the order of explanation represented by his theory with Comte’s final stage of knowledge, namely, the scientific or “positive” stage as opposed to the theological or metaphysical stages (M, p. 70). Then Darwin went a step further. He imagined what a third-stage theory could do to reconcile disputes from what appeared to him more primitive orders of explanation. This occurred to him particularly with respect to philosophy. For example, in ethics there had long been contention between the utilitarians and those who believed in an innate moral sense. Darwin observed that evolutionary theory encompassed both schools: 220
• Similarly, in epistemology he believed his work united the rationalist and empiricist positions. His own understanding of adaptation was exemplary in this respect, for it relied equally on the rationalist belief in innate ideas and on the sort of rank empiricism which posited the infinite capacity of the individual to interpret new experience. Nowhere is his interest in subsuming philosophical traditions under his own theory better marked than in the following passage 221
• E e N
• N continuação do M. Prover definições para habito e instino 222 Sem muito  sucesso224
• Abandono da assimilação da filosofia 224
• Ainda manteve interesse em vários comportamentos humanos
• With respect to morals, some rules of behavior posed little problem under his theory. The taboos against suicide and homosexuality were readily understandable as being opposed to basic instincts affecting survival of the species 225
  
• But now, after Malthus, adaptation was understood primarily in terms of selection rather than
  behavior. Thus the main subject of the M and N notebooks moved from the center of the theory to its periphery. 226
  
• Conclusão geral
• The place of man in Darwin’s development of a theory of transmutation has been obscured by his manner of disclosure. Comparing the 1837-1839 period to his entire career as a theorist suggests that it was Darwin’s practice to present himself and his work only before the most select scientific audiences, and then in accordance with their expectations. The negative implications of this rule for his publication on man are clear enough: finding no general invitation in science to publish as a theorist and no contemporary scientific audience for the sorts of inquiries he was making on man, he wassilent, at least until such time as he could publish on the strength of reputation alone. Now, with the availability of manuscripts from the early period, what was once hidden stands revealed. It is clear from Darwin’s notebooks that man played a dual role in the formation of his theory: as a zoological species to be incorporated into the theory and as the primary vehicle for the study of behavior. On the first score, integrating man into the theory provoked Darwin to break with the traditional view of man’s place in nature and to reject a major element in the scientific notion of progressivedevelopment. On the second score, the study of behavior led Darwin outside natural history and thence, unexpectedly, to Malthus and natural selection. 
• One is left with the certainty that the subject of man was a central element in Darwin’s formulation of his species theory. To an extent, then, the public judgment of Darwin was right all along, for the public had always sensed that Darwin spoke to a larger audience than that formed around science. On the basis of new evidence, we can add that Darwin drew from that larger audience as well. There are of course ironies to this conclusion: that Darwin the professional drew so heavily from fields where he was the amateur, that as a transparent man his inner life should prove so at odds with the manner in which he presented himself, and that his arrival at a strong sense of himself-the revolutionary “I” of his notebooks - should occur just as he stepped beyond science to engage the general culture. But when one considers the inherent difficulties of Darwin’s subject and the magnitude of his claims respecting man, these ironies are perhaps not surprising at all but those of a kind which might be anticipated. 227

JONES 1978

• Política
• In Darwin's case the influence of social thought has usually been seen as a direct intervention within the construction of the theory of natural selection itself. To some extent this was, for example, how Marx and Engels saw or interpreted his apparent reliance upon Malthus's theory of p ~ p u l a t i o n . ~ Others too, from different political perspectives, have claimed to have identified elements within the theory of natural selection itself which were essentially bound within the limits and character of the social and cultural beliefs among which Darwin lived. Radl, for example, described the theory of natural sclrction as, 'the prevailing English  political ideas. . . applied to N a t ~ r e ' ~ and Nordenskold as 'the
  social conce tions of contemporary liberalism (applied) to life and Nature.,1-2
  
• Notebooks
• They show that Darwin's interest in the question of human evolution was something he took up very early in his scientific career. It was, in fact, at least a parallel interest t o that of the search for the mechanism of transmutation. Secondly, when we compare the text of the Descent with the Notebooks it emerges that the Descent has a genealogy going at least as far back as the Notebooks. The constructions used in both are similar and they are also not simple extrapolations from the theory of natural selection. As in the Descent, the Notebooks contain constituents of explanation of human evolution which are drawn from sources outside the theory of natural selection 5
• Homem como battleground: " In one sense therefore the Notebooks are part of a lengthy preparation for the rebuttal of Darwin's critics. They are also the way in which Darwin could himself test out the logic of transmutation t o his own satisfaction." 5
• Wallace e a duplicidade humana. Homem estressava demais a teoria, mas era necessário dar conta dele 6
• Três pilares: 
• 1 )antropomorfismo 
• It was not just evidence of genetic continuity that was provided by anthropomorphic descriptions of animal behaviour. It also provided a sketchy proto-type of human behaviour rooted in an historical beginning. It then became possible to assert that somewhere in the process of evolution the seeds of human faculty acquired complexity and sophistication and became in fact the recognisable human characteristics whose existence his critics saw as fatal to the theory of transmutation. In other words it gave Darwin the first paragraph for the answer he was in the process of constructing. It also meant that all the physiological correlations - which with Huxley's help Darwin assembled in the Descent - were paralleled by psychological correlations. The history of psychology after Darwin is, in fact, surprisingly similar to that of morphology 6-7
• 2) psicologia associacionista 
• Usa isso como o mecanismo pelo qual os instintos animais viram faculdades humanas. 7
• Dois aspectos nos nbs: materalista e continuista. 7
• The processes which Darwin describes in the Notebooks could be germinated and developed within the lifetime of an individual. They establish that the processes of development of faculty in man and animals are similar and there is an implicit assumption of transmutation but no marriage of it and associationism. This development had to await the independent arrival of evolutionary associationism. Between 1840 and 1867 - in that year Darwin began to assemble notes on Man for the writing of the Descent - associationism had developed in several ways which had significance for the project that Darwin returned to in 1867. Briefly these years saw the publications of Bain, (1855,1859, 1861, 1868); Spencer's 'Principles of Psychology in 1855; Maudsley (1868), and also the variation given to associationism by Bagehot in 1867 and 1868. The developments relevant to Darwin were these. First associationism acquired an increasingly physiological character. I mean by this not simply the introduction of the notion of nerve reflex but the suggestions that Spencer and Maudsley made which were taken up by Bagehot that the reaction of faculty with the environment could produce in Maudsley's words, 'some memory of itself which renders its reproduction an easy matter.'24 In the case of these three writers this memory was very quickly subsumed into the notion of use-inheritance. Darwin, although his relationship with use-inheritance is complex, never completely fell into the habit of linking it with associationism in this way. He does however begin to assume that the experiences by which faculty was developed were, in some way, hereditary. 9
• to dissolve the complexity of faculty into simpler psychological elements and also, in the process, its capacity to affront the tradition which made of human complexity as a priori phenomenon. 9
  
• In the Descent the complexity of man in relation to his primate ancestors stood in the same way as in associationism, the fully developed personality stood in relation to the simpler elements of which it was composed. Therefore the acquisition of complexity in human characteristics could be stretched over an evolutionary canvas. History could therefore be seen as the means or the given time during which this complexity was accomplished. It also had another function. 'If' argued Darwin, 'differences of this kind. . . are connected by the finest graduations, it is possible that they might pass and be developed into each other.'26 The solution to these problems was not, of course, Darwin's invention. ..... ' ~ ~ It was only by the second generation of Darwinians that the importance of the tradition had become obscured by the prestige of Darwin's name 10
• 3) evolução progressiva.
• The importance of the theory of mental evolution is this. By taking the complexity of faculty as pre-given, by using history as the means by which this complexity was achieved and by describing this process as one of graduated evolution, Darwin fell into the trap of progressive developmentalism. In other parts of his work he explicitly denounces progressive evolution. 'But yet there is no necessary tendency in the simple animal to become complicated' he writes in the ~ o t e b o o k s . ~ ~ But it is possible to find denunciations of it contemporaneously with its exemplification in the case of human evolution. Darwin could of course argue that Man was a unique case and his history must be explained as the process by which, as Spencer put it 'life attains t o more and more perfect forms.'31 However this did involve a radical departure from his position as set out elsewhere and it does produce, for example, a comparative psychology of Man based on Spencer's premises. For according to the theory of progressive developmentalism the 'savage races' must be found a place on the lower rungs of graduated evolution - how else from Darwin's point of view could the evolution of mental faculty be explained 'naturally'? The evidence provided by Wallace's comments on the subject in the 1860's seemed to be that a denial of this involved a lapse into transcendental explanations once again. It was not, I would argue in Darwin's case, primarily a political or social ploy to construct an evolutionary psychology of this kind although it is not insignificant that it had social and political sanction. However it is possible to find ethnocentricism and assumptions of superiority in quite different intellectual positions. Whether they were there or not, they took the form they did because of the heuristic trap into which Darwin fell and to whose brink he was led by the construction of the developmentalism he had adopted in the Descent. 11
• The price Darwin paid for this alliance with developmentalism was considerable. It affected for example his reactions to all the texts of the 1860's. He saw Galton's articles on the differential birthrate between the professional and working classes and his warnings about the effect this would have on the level of the nation's intelligence largely in terms of the theory of evolution which he had developed.44 Some of the more obscure passages of the Descent can be disentangled if we read them as Darwin's reply to the degenerationist tone of Galton7swork. The other aspects fell, as it were, by the way-side. In fact, in the grip of the system he had constructed, Darwin's use of material for the Descent was to sort and sift the information he collected into support for or opposition to his theory. Consequently the Descent as well as having a derivative character is confused, self contradictory and obscure in places. In seeming recognition of this are the lapses which he makes into what is in fact a form of pragmatic history - always, as far as the social theorist is concerned, the harbinger of despair. 'Progress', he argues at one point 'seems to depend on many concurrent favourable conditions far too complex to be followed and he goes on to describe the effect of climate from Buckle, of fixed property vide Henry Maine and of the 'union of many families under a chief'46 in Bagehotian terms. 16-7
• Progressivistas e degenaracionistas  11-2
• Origin implica origem selvagem do homem integrando o descent com a teoria de evolução social. 12
• Antropologia
• However, Darwin's debt to the anthropologists was as great as theirs to him. He had been asked to provide a comprehensive theory of human development and the anthropologists provided him with one element of it, the first social state of Man. In the Descent he unequivocably accepts their premises. Moreover he accepts the theoretical assumption that the past of man could be constructed out of the investigations of existing primitive societies and that the lineage of contemporary society was indicated by the survivals within them of 'primitive' ideas and customs. 12-3
• Só criticava a questão da promiscuidade primitiva. 13
• Moral
• He argued that upon the social instinct was erected a complexity of other characteristics in particular the moral and altruistic faculties which, in fact, supported and upheld social organisation.
• Hence moral behaviour is, in a sense, a secondary product of evolutionary development, one that depends for its existence upon another primary fact of development-social organisation. This also solves an additional problem, that of the utility of morality. For, as Darwin's critics maintained, the evolution of a character must, under Darwin's scheme of things, be related t o its utility. Of what utility they asked could, for example, altruism be since in many cases it might be destructive of the individual or even of the race itself? In a similar way Darwin was faced with the necessity of explaining the utility of the aesthetic sense which he did, in that case, by linking it t o the function of sexual selection and hence to the reproduction of the species.42 In the case of morality this quality, which appears at times t o be inspired by considerations quite other than those of its value as a means of survival, is given, in Darwin's interpretation, an essential role in the functioning of societies. It is the means by which social solidarity - itself an essential pre-requisite for the survival of the race - is cemented and maintained. In Darwin's opinion morality had a functional character. This character, he argued, decreased as human evolution progressed, for the development of rationality meant that moral behaviour becomes less instinctive and more open to reflection and therefore to conscious choice. Its origins lay, however, primarily in its useful character as an adjunct of social feeling. 15
• Eds
• More important however was the fact that Darwin remained essentially entrapped within the assumptions of the critics he set out t o answer. The individual whose evolution he describes is essentially the same being delineated by Mivart and the Duke of Argyll. The conceptions of his critics were built into the answers he offers them. Therefore they had already won the battle since they had set the limits within which an answer must be found. The theory of human development added yet another element to the structure of Darwin's work and one which contradicted other of his propositions. This self contradictory character has been the fuel for an attack on him by Himmelfarb4' and has produced the exasperated tone with which Vorzimmer sets out the history of his revisions to the theory of natural ~election.~' But Darwin's waverings, borrowings and self contradictions have more significance than either personal or intellectual failings. They relate to the character of scientific theory - to its unevenness and the fact that whatever attempts are made t o give it the character of a world view, it frequently can only have regional significance. Darwin's search for totality produced precisely the opposite effect - a mosaic of ideas, conceptions and theoretical systems. The theory of natural selection could not illuminate all the adjacent areas of scientific research nor be applied to all cases. The attempt to make it do so emphasised rather than solved the basic uneven character of scientific development. But Darwin's failure t o fulfil1 the protocols of his critics must be measured against the importance of the alliances he cemented with a particular cultural milieu with regard t o his theory of human evolution. It could be argued that these alliances secured the survival of his theory as a major part of British scientific and intellectual tradition in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century before its reintegration with the theory of heredity in the 1 9 2 0 ' 17
• Opening up his work for these was, I would argue, one of the ways of ensuring that the theory of natural selection would survive. .... In his attempt to disguise the regional character of natural selection Darwin rendered homage to philosophy and, in particular, to the 'empirical school' as Frederick Pollock described it 20
• Alianças [PR]
• This raises the question of the notion of an alliance between scientific theory and other intellectual currents. In some historiography the word appropriation is used to describe the progress by which a scientific theory is integrated and made acceptable to a current intellectual tradition. This seems to imply that ideology seizes upon scientific theory from outside and this, I believe, correctly describes at least a good part of the process. For Spencer Darwin was, in Canguilhem's terms, 'un patron de garantie scientifique'. However, the evidence of Darwin's Descent of Man is that alliances are sometimes proferred by the scientist himself and not forced upon him. Darwin, for example, offered to Spencer, to the anthropologists and to associationism additional support and the prestige of his name. In return he borrowed their conceptions and built them into a section of his own work. 17-8
• Because of the fluidity of alliances of this kind and because, once a problematic is subject t o translation into other areas of  knowledge it is then 'open' to any combination of ideas, there can be no inner political character attributed to the theory of natural selection itself. This is not necessarily true of the other theories which Darwin adopted in conjunction with that of natural selection. ...  Many social theorists used natural selection as an analogy but they used a version of it filtered through the kind of evolutionary history of man which Darwin drew up in the Descent and, therefore, an essentially changed and, I would argue, distorted version.18-9
  
• Houveram outras, como Marx, Aveling, Buchner e ainda mais depois de sua morte. 18

DURANT 1985

• Strategy for going public > tirar o homem que era parte integrante desde o início 283 
• " the ideologically explosive issue of man's place in nature was sequestered from the core issue of transmutationwithin a far-sighted strategy for presenting this program to the scientific community." 285
• The case for natural selection in the Origin was organized around the analogy with artificial selection, as was that for sexual selection in the Descent. In the end, asManier hasnoted, Darwinadopted astory-telling modeofdiscourse that was well-suited to the task of persuasion, particularly in those cases in which the direct evidence for evolution was rather weak (Manier 1978, pp. 110-111). The Origin and the Descent were both, among other things, highly effective pieces of naturalistic propaganda, and each depended in their different waysupon the vocabularyof evocative analogiesand metaphors to convey their central message. 303
  
• Excluído desde os rascunhos de 44 e 42 e NS. Explica em carta para Wallace em 1857. Mesmo deixando quase tudo de fora, a maioria da comunidade só pensava nisso resultando nas obras de Huxley, Lyell, Wallace, Lubbock e outros em vários lugares do mundo. [Não existe ciencia descompromissada] 284 
• Terra do fogo em 1832, transmutação só em 1837 285
• when he had approached the natives in December 1832, his first thoughts had been of the perfectibility of man. Yet as he tried to grasp the significance of the enormous gulf that separated Fuegians from Englishmen, he resorted to an analogy with the world of nature. "I would not have believed," he wrote in his diary at the time, "how entire the difference between savage and civilized man is. It is greater than between a wild & domesticated animal, in as much as in man there is greater power of improvement" (Diary p. 119) .....  It embodied his belief that man was a single species, and that human history was, in the main, a passage from barbarity to civility. 286
• Segundo Hebert, a questão do homem não é importante para a conversão, mas
• Man was relevant to this theory in at least two ways. First, as a relatively young species that had become differentiated into a number of geographically distinct races, man provided clear evidence for the reality of transmutation.4 Second, as the only species whose mental processes (as opposed to mere behavior) could be studied directly, man provided unique insights into the role of habit in the process of transmutation [que levaria a Malthus]. 287
  
• the idea that man was an animal, to be studied and known in the same way as any other, was not so much a conclusion of the theoretical endeavors of the notebooks as it was a precondition for them. But although Darwin took for granted an essentially naturalistic perspective on man, as
  his inquiry developed he began to explore its wider implications — if people were animals, then they must be the products of transmutation; if they were to become extinct, then perhaps they would be replaced by other, similar beings; and if they were to survive, presumably they would continue to change (B 169, 214-215, 227-232). 288
  
• C 76-79 288-9 <  This passage contains a number of basic Darwinian themes — first, the dissent from anthropocentrism; second, the very tentative reconstruction of the circumstances that may have made man; and third, the re-instatement of the principle of continuity by means of the analogy between apes and savages 289
  
• Sem diferença de tipo, só de grau. Negação do dualismo da mente. Negação do antropocentrismo. 289
• To begin with, he had toyed with the idea that man was a necessary stage in the progressive development of life on earth, but by the end of the first transmutation notebook (B) he had given up this notion in favor of the more radical view that man was caught up in the web of time and
  chance. 290
  
• Tem frases sobre o homem em todos os cadernos.
• Analogia começa no C. Compara os fueguinos com um estágio intermediario humano. 289-90
• Darwin came to see savages as symbolic not only of the state of nature but also of the historical links between animals and man. By placing the Fuegians midway between apes and Englishmen, he gave himself a concrete observational basis for the analogical reconstruction of human origins; and at the same time, he tapped a powerful source of cultural imagery with which to convey his unorthodox views 290
  
• Darwin's commitment to the principle of continuity was as strong as his conviction that civilized man was the most recent and the most advanced product ofa longprocess ofprogressive development;and both wereembodied in this evocative analogy between apes and savages. 291
  
• Junção de antrpomorfismo dos animais e zoomorfismo dos homens (zoologia antropomórfica e antropologia zoomórfica). Linguagem importante para isso. 291-2
• Nos anos 1860 não parece haver intenção de Darwin em escrever sobre assunto. Tenciona dar materiais para wallace. Estava muito absorvido no Variation. 293
• Recepção do Descent
• its publication was nevertheless something of an anticlimax. ...  "a slight tone of disappointment in many reviews of the book" ...  Certainly, the Descent provided obvious grounds for criticism. Lacking both the elegance and the authority of the Origin, it appeared to struggle with a mass of material that was never quite under complete control. Indeed, to many readers it appeared to consistof two completely different worksbound together. Taking up this point in his review, Wallace suggested that for his second edition
  Darwin might consider separating the material on human evolution from that on sexual selection inanimals, bringingout two distinct volumes (Wallace 1871, p. 180). But Darwin did not take this advice, and his second edition appeared in 1874 as a single volume containing almost five hundred pages on the courtship and mating habits of animals 
  
• unoriginal ...  From Boucher de Perthes, Lubbock, and Lyell he took evidence concerning the great antiquity of man (Descent 1: 3); from Haeckel, Huxley, and Vogt he obtained support for the descent of man from animals (chap. 1); from Lubbock, Maine, McLennan, Spencer, and Tylor he borrowed ideas on the early evolution of society (chap. 2); and
  from Bagehot, Galton, Greg, and Wallace he drew ideas relevant to the application of the principleof naturalselection to mental and social phenomena (chap. 5). In all these fields, then, the Descent covered ground with which its better-informed readers were already quite familiar. 293-4
  
• Descent buscava integrar vida, homem, mente e moralidade. 294
• Devido a controvérsia entre Huxley e Owen a questão anatomica já estava bem resolvida. Darwin quis falar mais sobre mente. Ressaltar o principio da continuidade nesse campo. Ficava mais ou menos o seguinte animais > selvagens > crianças, loucos e mulheres > homem civilizado 295
• NS não era o suficiente para explicar o homem, vai para SS. 296
• Sexual selection involved reproductive competition between individuals of the same species and sex. Darwin recognized two quite distinct forms of such competition — "male combat" and "female choice" — and in the Descent he described each of these processes with the help of exactly the same analogy that he had used in his defence of natural selection 297
  
• Here the logic of Darwin's position was completely consistent. Just as the idea of God as cosmic craftsman had been replaced in the Origin by the selecting power of nature, so the idea of God as cosmic artist was replaced in the Descent by the selecting power of animals. 298
  
• Causa a mesma confusão de antes. 298-9  ...  the theory of sexual selection met with considerable skepticism.
  
• Conclusão da SS
• Thus, by suggesting that brain as well as brawn had been important in male combat, he accounted for man's superiority over woman in both physical andmental powers (Descent
  2:328-329); and by simply reversing the roles of the sexes when it came to mate selection, he reconciled the theory of "female choice" (sic) with the obvious and widespread subjection of women (2:371-372). Men's superior strength, he argued, had given them the power of sexual choice, and as a result women had become progressively more beautiful. But at the same time, women had retained a degree of sexual choice as well — as was
  evidenced, for example, by the existence of male adornments such as the beard. In equally ingenious ways, Darwin accounted for temperamental differences between the sexes; for racial variations in hair distribution and color, skin color, and so on; and even for a number of universal human attributes, such as musical abilities and language. To illustrate the enormous power of sexual selection, he compared it with the unconscious human selection that wasresponsible for thecontinual transformation ofdomesticated animals. "Each breeder," he wrote, "has impressed . . . the character of his own mind — his own taste and judgment — on his animals" (Descent 2:370). In just the same way, and just as unconsciously, the human race had molded itself down the generations in conformity to its own changing inclinations and ideals.
• Darwin had now come full circle. Having begun by applying the model of artificial selection to nature, he had returned to man, rediscovering in human history the very process with which he had commenced his investigation. In the longchain of this argument, the theoryof sexualselection was a key link not only between animals and man, but also between past and future. For if it was true that people had brought themselves to their present position — if it was true, in other words, that mankind was quite literally self-domesticated — then the question arose as to what might yet be accomplished by way of further improvements in human nature. Significantly, therefore, it was immediately after Darwin had terminated his lengthy account of sexual selection with the "remarkable conclusion" that mind had played an important part in the progressive development of the higher animals that he went on to consider the implications of his theory for the future of mankind. [termina com a coisa eugenista no descent 402-3] 300
• Eugenia
• Ver descent 402-3
• They were the final, and perhaps the most obvious, application of the model of artificial selection to the natural world. Unlike his cousin Francis Galton, Darwin saw no practical means whereby to translate the conclusions of evolutionary theory into effective social policy.15 This disagreement should not be taken as a sign of any fundamental difference between the social philosophies of the two men, however. Darwin believed that the English
  aristocracy had been made handsomer than the middle classes by means of sexual selection (ML 2:34); he was a fierce critic of primogeniture, which he regarded as a disruptive influence in the selective process (Descent 1:170); he was a somewhat reluctant advocate of the struggle for existence as a necessary precondition of human progress (1:167-184); and he took comfort from the thought that, having risen to "the very summit of the organic
  scale", man might go on to "a still higher destiny in the future" (2:405).17 Thus Darwin's position was perfectly clear. Man was an animal, like any other, and his past development, present condition, and future prospects were alikedependent upon those natural laws that governed theentire domain of earthly life. 301
  
• Conclusão
• If we attempt to rewrite Darwin's theories in language other than their own, stripping themof all "extraneous"analogies and "unfortunate" metaphors, we stand to lose at least as much in historical perspective as we gain in supposed philosophical clarity. Toseparate Darwin's ideas from their distinctive terms of reference is not merely to sacrifice context for content but ultimately to distort both in the interests of some ulterior view of science. 303
  
• Ver notas especialmente notas 11 e 15.

BAJEMA (1988), BOWLER (1989) E COOKE (1990)

Bajema

• Mito que Darwin só usa o homem no Origin uma vez 403
• Darwin contribui com o mito no descent (1871, I, 1) e na autobiografia ("it would have been useless and injurious to the success of the book"), mas " Darwin drew explicit attention to the fact that he had alsobriefly contended that sexual selection was an important force inthe origin of human races in the Origin (199)" (DESCENT, 1871, I, 4-5), carta para wallace 22/12/1857 404
• Sexual selection e survival of the fittest 408
• conclusão
• The claim that Charles Darwin only dared to mention human evolution once in the Origin of Species is erroneous. While it is true that he pursued the strategy of avoiding the whole subject of man because it was so surrounded with prejudices,33 he was unable to maintain complete silence with respect to his views on human evolution. Darwin published a statement contending that sexual selection played an important role in the evolution of human races. He also drew analogies between the cultural evolu- tion of ideas and the biological evolution of other species when he made important points concerning "descent with modification" (the gradual evolution of the eye, and the natural or genealogical system of classifying species) and natural selection (the import-ance of accidental variations as a source of variation 409-10

Bowler

• The issue centers on the question of what we mean when we say that Darwin made only a single reference to "human evolution" in the Origin. Bajema seems to think that in making this claim, historians are ruling out any other mention of the human race. But no one, least of all Darwin, has ever been so silly as to claim or imply that the Origin contains only a single reference to , it is clear that my purpose was to indicate that Darwin made only a single mention of the evolutionary origins of mankind.
• What Bajema does not seem to realize is that Darwin's words do not imply that there are no other statements about the human race in the Origin. As Bajema points out, there are in fact a number of brief references to cultural or racial evolution. But precisely because these references are to developments within mankind, they would not have allowed Darwin's readers to be certain that he intended to apply his theory to the actual origins of the human species. Darwin was quite right when he stated that in order not to be accused of concealing his views, he needed to add a specific statement about human origins. 498
• Analogias não seria interpretadas como referencias a origem da humanidade 499
•  Assim sobra só o Light will be thrown mesmo

Cooke

• despite Darwin's intention to avoid the whole subject, man was so integral to his study of nature and the evolutionary process that he could not help but include references that undeniably pointed to an animal ancestry for human beings. 517
• Darwin incluía o homem implicitamente junto com todos os outros animais e por derivar sua teoria a partir da demografia de malthus. 518 e sugeria características selecionaveis 519
• In the first chapter of the Origin Darwin dealt extensively with human societies, as he provided examples in which beneficial manipulations of the environment became a measure of civilized development in human societies. 6 Bowler wishes to discard references to cultural evolution as unimportant to an argument about man's presence in the Origin. But in the view Darwin insinuated in these examples, the measure of civilization is also a factor in the survival and evolutionary development of human societies. Throughout the first chapter he represented the nineteenth-century hierarchy of men as "civilized," "less-civilized," "barbarous," and "savage." The races of mankind were, to Darwin's mind, in a variety of developmental stages. 519 
• Bowler wants to ignore such passages because they do not refer to the origin of language or of human beings. Of course, Bowler is correct in saying that the inception of mankind or his characteristics is not at stake here. Nevertheless, the passage cannot be dismissed so readily. The parenthetical remarks clearly refer to the descent -- that is, a biological relation -- of several races from a common ancestral race. This is exactly the thesis of the entire book, namely, the descent of organisms with modification. ... However, several of the reviews of Darwin's work understood its implications for mankind immediately. 520 
• The evidence, however, justifies the conclusions reached by Darwin's contemporaries not only because of what they expected to read, but also because of what they actually did read. Darwin was convinced that natural selection had worked on man, but he decided not to say so explicitly -- he intended to be silent on the topic of human evolution. Yet he obviously failed in this goal. His view of man was so integrated into his general theory that he could not, in spite of his express intention, leave man out of the Origin. 521  

Lista

•  In the first chapter of the Origin Darwin dealt extensively with human societies, as he provided examples in which beneficial manipulations of the environment became a measure of civilized development in human societies 18, 35-8
• Theory of cultural evolution by the selection of accidental and intentional variations in in the selective breeding of domesticated species 30-43
• Darwin contended that selection could be an important force in bringing about "descent with modification" even in such a slow-breeding species as man.' 63-4 [questionado por Bowler 499 e Cooke 518, apenas um caso de struggle]
• "even in regard to mankind, so incomparably better known than any other animal" .... "know not exactly what the checks are in even one single instance.., even in regard to mankind..." (p. 67)
• e "believe that the shape of the pelvis in the human mother influences by pressure the shape of the head of the child" 144
• logy between the evolution of the eye and the cultural evolution of the telescope.' 188
• the differences between the races of man, which are so strongly marked; I may add that some little light can apparently be thrown on the origin of these differences, chiefly through sexual selection of a particular kind, but without here entering on copious details my reasoning would appear frivolous. 199 [As far as Darwin's contemporaries were concerned, postulating natural developments to account for the emergence of the different races certainly did not carry the implication that the original human progenitors had evolved from animals Bowler 500]
• analogy with the classification of languages 422-3
• Darwin discussed the cultural evolution of ideas with respect to the selective breeding of domesticated plants and animal 466-7
• "What can be more curious," he asked, "than that the hand of a man, formed for grasping, that of a mole for digging, the leg of a horse, the paddle of a porpoise and the wing of a bat, should all be constructed on the same pattern, and should include the same bones, in the same relative positions" (p. 434). [ver tbm 440] Later he related the structure of the hand more directly to his theory when he explained that the "framework of bones being the same in the hand of a man, wing of a bat, fin of the porpoise, and leg of the horse... and innumerable other such facts, at once explain themselves on the theory of descent with slow and slight modifications" (p. 479). Here he explicitly included the human frame as a product of descent with modification. He consistently applied the selective principle to the entire animal kingdom, including man. Cooke 519
• Darwin contended that the nonevolutionary way in which naturalists had been viewing the evidence for "descent with modification" was analogous to how a savage looks at a ship 48
• Light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history 488
• NINGUÉM CITA A COISA DO HOTTENTOT

BIZZO 1992

• Resumo do caso Bajema-Bowler-Cooke
• Carl Bajema states that Darwin was thinking about man when he wrote the Origin; the famous phrase, “light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history,” written at the end of the book, did not mean that he would not refer to man.’ Peter Bowler, on the other hand, says that Darwin’s references to man, especially with regard to cultural evolution, do not mean that he was giving an evolutionary account of human origins; this was an issue he would have specifically decided to avoid when writing the Origin of Species.* Kathy J. Cooke says that “Darwin was convinced that natural selection had worked on man, but he decided not to say so explicitly - he intended to be silent on the topic of human evolution.” She says that we can find implicit references to the evolutionary origins of mankind in his book.3 137
• Expected to deal with men 137 Whatever was written about “species” would be bound to be read as related to “man.” 138
• Lyell já relaciona com o homem numa reunião de apresentação 138
• Greene mostra que algo seria feito no Big Book sobre o homem 139
• Alguns relacionam as coisa só como uma resposta à Wallace 140
• 4 coisas impediram que darwin escrevesse sobre o homem já no Big Book 143-4
• Muitas páginas já dedicadas ao principio da divergência
• We know from his letters that the lack of space, even in the long version of the Origin, was a serious problem. He did not like to write too briefly about a subject, because that could invite all sorts of misunderstandings. 147
  
• Questões de saúde
• Chegada da carta de Wallace
• Morte de Charles W. Darwin. Tinha 10% de chance de ter deficência mental.
• Thus, when Darwin was writing the chapter on natural selection he may have thought that his son was a sort of “reversion to the wild state” and not the “fittest” individual facing natural selection.39 We may also think that the way he “avoided” the discussion of reversion in the Origin supports this suggestion (see above, note 32). Darwin knew what natural selection would do with members of a race that had “any modification if in the slightest degree injurious,” and that it would “scrutinize every habit, instinct, constitutional difference, every organ external & internal.” It would therefore have been extremely hard for him to write about natural selection acting on humans that summer just after the death of his own mentally handicapped child. In fact, early in the summer the Darwin family went to the seaside, to the Isle of Wight, where Darwin began to write the abridged version of his work. The theory of natural selection was not applied to the races of man at that time. 146

DESMOND & MOORE 2009

• Ver notas

PAUL 2009 

REGNER 2010

• Grau não natureza. Conjugação de intelecto e simpatia levando a ética. O intelecto sozinho é uma modificação do instinto que pode ser enganado pelo hábito. Cadernos M e N e descent.  62-3
• Senso moral variante, mas universal N. 64
• É materialista? 
• A visão darwiniana do homem é materialista no sentido de que as atividades mentais como o pensar são comparadas à realização de um esforço físico e os pensamentos são vistos como prováveis funções da mesma parte do cérebro que afeta a associação das lembranças intencionais de qualquer coisa, “ou a tendência do hábito a produzir um curso de pensamento” (Notebook M, notas 46, 61, 62). Uma ação mental é um evento cerebral e pode ser uma causa material de algum outro evento 64
• É nos sentidos da desteologização da natureza e da naturalização da mente. Contudo sua visão de natureza não parece ser reducionista e não era ateísta. 65-6
• É determinista?
• A peculiar legalidade da Natureza darwiniana permitia-lhe dar conta de fenômenos naturais também em termos de suas ‘disposições internas’, ‘funções’ e ‘propósitos 68
• Darwin não resolve plenamente o conflito entre a necessidade das leis a que se encontra submetido o homem como ser natural e a suposta independência que o livre arbítrio lhe atribui. 69
• Hesitante quanto a livre arbítrio quando mais velho, mas nos cadernos considera que existe dentro das leis maiores 69-70
• É empirista?
• Darwin discordava de Hume quanto " extrema importância atribuída aos sentidos e ao papel de idéias inconscientes nas operações mentais" 71
• Pré-existência = ancestrais 72
• Para ele, a idéia de causalidade é tão forte que, quando não há causa aparente a ser dada, “a pessoa fixa em seres imaginários, muitos vicariantes, como nós mesmos”, como os selvagens que consideram trovão e raio como o testamento direto de Deus, relembrando os estágios Comteanos do conhecimento humano. 72
• É ateísta?
• sua visão do homem como um ser ‘natural’, cuja integridade corpo-e-mente é explicável evolutivamente pela seleção natural, não resulta nem de um pretenso ateísmo de Darwin, nem de um pretenso teísmo. Assim como sua grande teoria da seleção natural, a avaliação dos méritos ou deméritos de sua visão da natureza humana não depende da crença ou não na existência de um Criador, nem provê a essa evidência corroboradora ou falseadora 73
• Manteve um tom teísta no origin mas evitava falar sobre compatibilidade cc religião e era agnóstico. 73-4
• Moralidade
• Em The Descent of Man, a longa reflexão do seu capítulo III, Moral Sense, retomada no capítulo V, Moral faculties, revela que, à base da moralidade que distingue o homem dos outros animais, encontram-se os instintos sociais, para o bem da comunidade, partilhados por homens e animais inferiores, que levam ao amor e à simpatia pelos demais, ao ensejo de sua aprovação pelos seus companheiros e desta ao sentimento de certo e errado, de onde se origina sua consciência moral, quando o homem torna-se juiz dos seus atos, a parte mais nobre da natureza humana. Aqueles instintos sociais levaram o homem inicialmente ao desejo de ajudar seus companheiros e a um sentimento de simpatia, fornecendo-lhe uma regra grosseira de certo e errado. O hábito de ajudar seus companheiros e realizar ações benevolentes certamente fortalece o sentimento de simpatia. Estímulo ainda mais poderoso é o desejo de aprovação e a repulsa à infâmia, o amor ao reconhecimento do mérito e a repulsa à culpa. 
• Com o desenvolvimento de suas capacidades intelectuais e de sua instrução pelo hábito seguindo as experiências benéficas, suas simpatias tornaram-se mais ternas e ampliadas a todos os homens de todas as raças, aos incapacitados e aos animais inferiores. A diferença entre a mente do homem e dos animais inferiores é de grau, antes que de natureza. Nessa  diferenciação, o uso da linguagem articulada, característico do homem, teve um papel central, porque propiciou o desenvolvimento de outras faculdades intelectuais avançadas que, por sua vez, levaram a poderes tais como autoconsciência e abstração. 76-7
  
• Natural e cultural. Somos animais sociais desde o início 78
• ‘Natural’ e ‘cultural’ estão em constante interação na visão Darwiniana do homem, sem comprometê-la com “ismos” de qualquer espécie 84
  
• Progresso
• Em suas descrições faz-se presente um tom moral que, por vezes, deixa claramente entrever um ‘viés’ inglês nas palavras do jovem liberal (partidário dos Whigs), em parte talvez pelo toque ingênuo de seu entusi-ástico e ‘progressista’ nacionalismo. 78
  
• Mais tarde, em The Descent of Man (1871, p. 160) Darwin se detém à aplicação
  da seleção natural para explicar o progresso civilizatório ....  Passagens como essa estão em muitas das associações feitas entre Darwin e o chamado ‘Darwinismo Social’ e a conseqüente lógica da dominação que nele encontraria justificativa. Contudo, essa se revela uma leitura pouca atenta e que descura outros pensamentos centrais de Darwin sobre o homem como um ‘animal social’. Darwin ressalta em sua análise qualidades e habilidades intelectuais e morais, cuja origem encontra-se em sentimentos sociais básicos de simpatia e amor, resultantes em auxílio mútuo. 82
  
• Diz-nos Darwin que pessoas egoístas e beligerantes não possuem coesão e que, sem coesão, nada pode ser realizado (Darwin, 1871: 162). E assim conclui: “Thus the social and moral qualities would tend slowly to advance and be diffused throughout the world” (Darwin, 1871: 163)31, qualidades essas que igualmente caracterizam a espécie humana, tanto quanto características biológicas, e que estão entre os parâmetros para a avaliação do que seja bom para a espécie, parâmetro essencial para julgar o que seja bom para o indivíduo no caso dos animais sociais. A supremacia em questão revela-se, pois, uma supremacia que elevaria as capacidades intelectuais e morais do homem em suas habilidades e comportamento. Ainda que se argumente que tais capacidades e virtudes seriam aquelas assim entendidas pelo ‘dominador’, não esqueçamos que para Darwin elas não incluiriam a ‘tirania’ ou ‘violência’, ou ‘extermínio’, mas sim ‘respeito’, tendo exaltado a última e condenado as primeiras naquelas poucas passagens em que se detém no exame de fenômenos sociais, como o fez em sua viagem pela América do Sul. Para Darwin, conforme já mencionado, haveria um princípio ético comum, a soberania de um juízo responsável, com raízes em sentimentos sociais e desenvolvimento de capacidades intelectuais, que, em cada nação, estaria adaptado às circunstâncias próprias. Dada a influência de uma cultura sobre outra, como um colonista que se introduz em uma comunidade em equilíbrio, podemos acrescer que esse e outros mecanismos levam a constantes re-acomodações dos padrões de habilidade e comportamento. 
• A ação humana passa a interferir no que seria a rude ação da seleção natural. Todavia, o auxílio que damos ao desassistido não deixa de ser um resultado daquele sentimento de simpatia acumulado pela seleção natural. Nessa medida, passamos a ser um agente da seleção natural, a qual passa a se colocar em outro nível. Segundo Darwin, não poderíamos exercer controle (check) sobre nossa simpatia, se a razão a tanto nos exortasse, sem a deterioração da parte mais nobre de nossa natureza (Darwin, 1871: 169), sua instância ética. Algumas novas possibilidades são abertas para entender a ação da seleção natural no plano social 83
• Lamarckismo
• Assim, o complexo conceito de ‘condições de vida’, com seu papel determinante no que concerne a ‘mudanças adaptativas, tendo em vista a sobrevivência’, aparece nas páginas de seu diário, referindo-se a ambas as dimensões fenomênicas, a ‘natural’ e a ‘cultural’. Aparece, por exemplo, relacionado à força do hábito e dos efeitos hereditários nas adaptações dos fueguinos ao clima e às ‘produções de sua miserável região 79
  

RADICK 2013

• Contexto anti-escravagista para a monogenia desde 1834. Carta sobre agassiz. 173-4
• Notebooks M N e C. 174
• [Expression] He stressed the importance of six kinds of evidence: observations on infants; observations on the insane (like infants, prone to strong emotional expression); answers
  to questions about what emotion is being expressed in a photograph; the study of great art (though in practice this features little in the book); observations on men and women of different races (Darwin sent out a questionnaire to missionaries and others); and observations on animals. 177
  
• Fotografias. 177
• Mais lamarckismo
• Scientists and historians have long wondered about Darwin’s curiously “non-Darwinian” handling of emotional expression. There is, most conspicuously, his heavy reliance on the inheritance of acquired habit, or so-called Lamarckian inheritance (which features in the earlier books, though nowhere near as much; see Radick 2002, 10–13). But there is also his near-total indifference to the possibility that, like so many of the traits discussed in the Descent, emotional expressions might have been useful either in the struggle for life or in the struggle for mates. Three observations about Darwin’s notebook theorizing of the 1830s may offer clues to an explanation. One is that his theory of natural selection emerged only after his expression theorizing was already well advanced. The second is that this early expression theorizing – including the germs of the three principles – drew on the work of Darwin’s evolutionist grandfather Erasmus, for whom habit and its (often useless) persistence were of central importance. The third is that, for all the breadth of Darwin’s notebook theorizing on expression, there was no engagement in those years with a topic that would matter hugely in the Expression: race. Through the 1860s, as Darwin collected data on human emotional expression from around the world, his old theorizing on expression as nonadaptive seems to have acquired a new significance, spelled out in the Expression’s conclusion. The remarkable sameness of emotional expressions across the human races suggested, he wrote, “a new argument in favour of the several races being descended from a single parentstock” (Darwin 1872b, 361), itself already mostly human in character before the races diverged. For it was most improbable, he went on, that natural selection could have generated such similarity, verging on uniformity, in evolutionarily separate lineages. With emotional expression, therefore, we must be dealing with something nonadaptive, beyond natural selection’s scope (Radick 2010a). 178
• Recepção
• Both books sold well, and the Descent especially so. In 1874 Darwin brought out an expanded and lightly rearranged second edition. (A second edition of the Expression was published posthumously.) In a new preface, Darwin wrote of the “fiery ordeal” through which the Descent had passed (Darwin 1874, v). Some of the reactions were certainly overheated. The book’s appearance had come just before the election of the Paris Commune, and the reviewer for the Times of London (8 April 1871, 5) saw in Darwin’s unsettling vision of human change a dangerous encouragement to the revolutionaries. Others were scandalized by Darwin’s frankness about human sexuality and declared the book obscene – a judgment Darwin and his publisher had been worried enough about beforehand that they had toned down some of the sexier discussions (Dawson 2007, ch. 2). On the whole, however, the reception of the books on man was a more muted affair than the reception of the Origin (Ellegård 1990, ch. 14), in part no doubt because the main issues had been so well aired, in high and not-sohigh culture, throughout the 1860s. (A famous 1861 cartoon showed an ape wearing a sign: “Am I a man and a brother?” [Fig. 20.5].) Nevertheless, the responses, public and private, were voluminous, and Darwin took them seriously, incorporating a number of them in the pages of the 1874 Descent, on everything from whether man’s suffering from some of the same diseases afflicting the lower animals favors the evolutionary theory to the correct lessons for the origins of human reason from an experimental study of learning in a pike. 178
• Eugenia, Darwinismo social, mas mutual aid. 179
• Racismo e machismo 179-180
• Ver critica de Richards contra desmond e moore.  American Scientist 97:
  415–17.
  

SLOAN 2019

• 4.1 Genesis of Darwin Descent
•  Darwin deixou Huxley, Asa Gray e Haeckel sozinhos na defesa antropológica. Menciona as epígrafes que permitiam com que Darwin fosse visto como mais religioso, embora suas ideias não fossem claras.
• Em 1860 já começa a coletar coisas sobre expressão incluindo o questionário.
• 02/1867 decide tirar coisas do Variation para um pequeno volume sobre o homem. Enviou os questionários sobr expressão humana. Aumentou muito depois. Outro pedaço do Variation virou o Expression. (lembrar dos notebooks m e n antes)
• Conteúdo
• Sexual selection—the choosing of females by males or vice versa for breeding purposes—had received a general statement by Darwin in Chapter IV of the Origin, but this played only a minor role in the original argument, and its importance was denied by co-evolutionist A. R. Wallace. In the Descent this was now developed in extensive detail as a major factor in evolution that could even work against ordinary natural selection. Sexual selection could be marshaled to explain sexual dimorphism, and also the presence of unusual characters and properties of organisms—elaborate feeding organs, bright colors, and other seemingly maladaptive structures such as the antlers on the Irish Elk or the great horn on the Rhinoceros beetle—that would appear anomalous outcomes of ordinary natural selection working for the optimal survival of organisms in nature. In a dramatic extension of the principle to human beings, the combination of natural and sexual selection is used to explain the origins of human beings from simian ancestors. It also accounts for the sexual dimorphism in humans, and is a major factor accounting for the origin of human races (E. Richards 2017; R. A. Richards 2013).
• 4.2 Mental powers
• Mental powers já nos cadernos, questão do continuum.
• C, M e N, monismo
• free will para todos
• 4.3 Ética

• Traditional moral sense theory linked ethical behavior to an innate property that was considered to be universal in human beings, although it required education and cultivation to reach its full expression (see the entry on moral sentimentalism). This inherent property, or “moral” sense, presumably explained such phenomena as ethical conscience, the sense of moral duty, and it accounted for altruistic actions that could not be reduced to hedonic seeking of pleasure and avoiding pain. It also did not involve the rational calculation of advantage, or the maximization of greatest happiness by an individual prior to action, as implied by Utilitarianism. For this reason Darwin criticized John Stuart Mill’s version of Utilitarian theory because it relied on acquired habits and the calculation of advantage (Darwin 1871 [1981], 71n5).

• Darwin’s reinterpretation of the moral sense tradition within his evolutionary framework also implied important transfomations of this theory of ethics. The moral sense was not to be distinguished from animal instinct but was instead derived historically from the social instincts and developed by natural selection. From this perspective, Darwin could claim a genuine identity of ethical foundations holding between humans and animals, with the precursors of human ethical behavior found in the behavior of other animals, particularly those with social organization. Natural selection then shaped these ethical instincts in ways that favored group survival over immediate individual benefit (ibid., 98). Human ethical behavior is therefore grounded in a natural property developed by natural selection, with the consequence that ethical actions can occur without moral calculus or rational deliberation.

• When moral conflict occurs, this is generally attributed to a conflict of instincts, with the stronger of two conflicting instincts favored by natural selection insofar as it favors group benefit (ibid. 84). In human beings the “more enduring Social Instincts” thus come to override the less persistent “individual” instincts.

• The adequacy of evolutionary ethical naturalism as a foundation for ethical realism proved to be a point of contention for Darwin’s contemporaries and successors following the publication of the Descent. For some moral philosophers, Darwin had simply reduced ethics to a property subject to the relativizing tendencies of natural selection (Farber 1994: chp. 5). It was, in the view of Darwin’s philosophical critics, to reduce ethics to biology and in doing so, to offer no way to distinguish ethical goods from survival advantages. Not even for some strong supporters of Darwinism, such as Thomas Huxley and Alfred Russel Wallace, was Darwin’s account adequate (ibid., chp. 4). Much of subsequent development of moral philosophy after Darwin would be grounded upon the canonical acceptance of the “is-ought” distinction, which emerged with new force from the critique of “evolutionary” ethical theory. This critique began with Thomas Huxley’s own break with Darwinian ethical theory in his Romanes Lecture, “Evolution and Ethics”of 1893 (Huxley 1893). This lecture, reflecting Huxley’s views eleven years after Darwin’s death, would play an important role in the Chinese reception of Darwinism (Huxley 1895; see above, section 3.1). This line of critique also received an influential academic expression in G. E. Moore’s (1873–1958) Principia Ethica—itself an attack on Spencer’s version of evolutionary ethics (Moore 1903).

• 4.4 Recepção do Descent
• Mais naturalista e materialista, ou parece. Mais amplo e bem mais gradualista que Huxley e Cia.
• he more fundamental opposition was due to the denial of distinctions, other than those of degree, between fundamental human properties and those of animals. Furthermore, the apparent denial of some kind of divine guidance in the processes behind human evolution and the non-teleological character of Darwin’s final formulations of the natural selection theory in the fifth and sixth editions of the Origin, hardened this opposition. His adoption from Herbert Spencer of designator “survival of the fittest” as a synonym for “natural selection” in the fifth edition added to this growing opposition. As a consequence, the favorable readings that many influential religious thinkers—John Henry Newman (1801–1890) is a good example—had given to the original Origin, disappeared. The rhetoric of the Descent, with its conclusion that “man is descended from a hairy quadruped, furnished with a tail and pointed ears” (1871: vol. 2: 389), presented to the public a different Darwin than many had associated with the author of the Journal of Researches and the early editions of the Origin.
• Mas essa oposição toda foi convertida em apoio nos circulos republicanos luso brasilieroas.
• Sexual selection. Wallace não curtia.
• 4.3 Teoria ética do Descent.

DESILVA 2021

• Ver notas.

CARLOS, PRESTES (2021)

• Recepção do origin já foi direcionada ao homem eventualmente levando ao descent. 133
• Não utilizar o nome em português pois cria duplicidade com o Origin, pode dar a impressão de serem origens distintas e porque é domesticadora. 133
• Bizzo: Dark e clean Darwinism. Young: Darwinism is social. Hoquet: abordagem textual aberta 136-7
• Broca e a craniometria (obsessão positivista), boa ciência da época. 143
• (poligenia), seguia-se à sua hierarquização segundo as mentalidades da época, dadas pelo contexto sociopolítico, entre brancos e negros ou entre homens e mulheres. Os estudos empíricos, portanto, em grande medida, buscavam dados que subsidiassem e explicassem os princípios derivados do poligenismo. Broca, por exemplo, utilizou o forame magno, abertura do crânio que permite a comunicação entre a cavidade craniana e o canal vertebral, como critério para aproximar evolutivamente mais os negros dos gorilas, comparativamente aos brancos (Gould, 2014, p. 95). Para evidenciar a superioridade intelectual masculina sobre a feminina, Broca mediu mais de 400 cérebros entre homens e mulheres, chegando a uma média precisa de 181 gramas a mais em média do cérebro masculino, resultado que, para ele, sugeria evidência para a superioridade intelectual masculina13 (ibid., p. 98). Darwin questionou a correlação direta entre inteligência e o volume cerebral, para inferiorizar a intelectualidade de mulheres. Para refutar a premissa de Broca, Darwin utilizou seus estudos comparativos em grupos taxonômicos do reino animal, elucidando, sagazmente, a não correspondência direta entre volume cerebral e inteligência14 (ibid., p. 99). 144
• Darwin propõe out of africa. 145 [PR]
• o desafio era o de convencer seu leitor, homem branco europeu, dessa ancestralidade. A solução óbvia era a de argumentar, com base na teoria das raças desenvolvida pela antropologia da época, que o cérebro dos africanos ficava entre os dos europeus e os dos gorilas. Haeckel, ainda que sem evidência fóssil, definiu 12 espécies de humanos vivos, desde o papua-macaco até o europeu não-macaco (Figura 1). Na ânsia de enfatizar a continuidade entre os europeus e os macacos, argumenta o antropólogo Jonathan Marks, a ciência das raças de Haeckel lapidava discurso que referendava o sentimento de superioridade hierárquica dos europeus frente aos africanos. A dificuldade em defender a origem comum amplificava com o alinhamento que essa ideia fazia com uma corrente minoritária de antropólogos, a dos que defendiam a “monogenia” da espécie humana. A posição oposta, “poligenista”, era abraçada por nomes de destaque das ciências da época, como Louis Agassiz 145
• Darwin defendia a monogenia de várias formas 146
• Questão de tradução: Slaves introduzido pelo tradutor. Nigger ant para Black ant. Muito interessante. 148
• Abolicionismo não é anti-racismo
• Manifesta posição abolicionista, no entanto, deve ser, ela também, contextualizada ao século XIX inglês. Negar maus tratos não é negar a série hierárquica dos grupos humanos. Para o primeiro, responde o imperativo moral desenvolvido ao longo da formação do jovem Darwin; para o segundo, respondem as ciências da época. E se isso parece contraditório ao olhar do século XXI, não o era na Inglaterra vitoriana. 149
• Darwin naturaliza a hierarquia das raças 151-2
• Ssexual e superioridade masculina
• Enquanto a seleção natural atua na aptidão para a sobrevivência, com base em características que afetivamente contribuem para isso, a seleção sexual atua sobre características que são insignificantes (para a adaptação que garante a sua sobrevivência), mas contribuem para o sucesso reprodutivo. Darwin exemplifica o fenômeno em diferentes grupos animais, indicando ser um mecanismo que depende de escolhas individuais. A seleção sexual, em grande parte relacionada à percepção da beleza, conclui Darwin, é essencialmente realizada pelas fêmeas entre quase todos os animais. Mas traçar uma linha de continuidade nesse aspecto para os humanos traria consequências que incomodavam a Darwin tanto quanto a seus leitores vitorianos. Os estereótipos vitorianos de gênero promovem a inversão dos sinais: “os machos humanos, por meio de sua maior força física e intelectual, tomaram o poder de escolha das mulheres” (Richards, 2017, p. 362). Na nossa espécie, a seleção sexual, portanto, seria realizada pelo homem. A superioridade masculina é indiscutivelmente atribuída a tudo o que compara dos dois sexos (e sempre, só os dois sexos) 153
• "muito arraigado preconceito de gênero," altamente baseado em Galton 154
  
• Em síntese, nota-se que o conceito de seleção sexual de Darwin foi concebido sobre uma base bem mais extensa que a biológica. Por um lado, incorporou não apenas características físicas, mas mentais e comportamentais, como inteligência, amor materno, obediência ou heterossexualidade. Por outro, determinou o sinal de cada um desses aspectos, como positivo ou negativo para “a espécie”, inteiramente pelas circunstâncias sociais em que vivia – oferecendo embasamento para a primazia masculina 155
  
• Atacado, mas defendido por mulheres 154-5
• "Imbricação dos dois domínios" Spencer e Galton 156-161
• Linha Branda e Linha Dura 163
• "definir os contornos de inteligibilidade em que as ideias eram partilhadas" 164
• Bowler darwinismo social devido a darwin não ao racismo. Faces incovenientes. 164

HARMAN 2022

• Extinção dos povos como fato natural. Mulheres submissas. 188
• frases contraditórias sobre os brancos, pobres, mulheres e progresso 188-9
• DFW: Peixe não ve a água do aquário 189
• . Alongside celebrating you, science, to be sure, has met many of your biases. But it has yet to graduate to the level of representing all of us. That’s why we need everyone—males, females, scientists, artists, humans of all colors and creeds and political persuasions—to weigh in on who we are and why. Such arguments as these are a sign of the times, the drift of our own waters. Back we are, then, with David Foster Wallace. And so, yes, let’s bring in more voices to science. Let’s recognize, too, that what science alone has to say can never encompass our totality in full. But let us admit honestly that the horizontal plain of human diversity, however broad, will never quite be up to the task. To truly recognize our medium, we need to be able to move vertically, in an out of time—an impossible feat. Searching out our humanness, we thus discover that we are just like fish. This, in the end, is our natural predicament. Of all people, you would see that, Mr. Darwin, wouldn’t you? 198
• Relação de Evolution e continuismo 189
• spawn entire industries 190
• Continuismo moral. Altruismo e amizade 192-3
• Racismo e outras questãs
• True, you were a monogenesist, believing that all humanity had a single origin. You did not think, like some others did, that the different races were separate species. You didn’t even think that skin color, hair type, facial features, and body shape, though they varied according to broad geographical patterns, had any real adaptive significance (we’ll soon get to your explanation of why they came about nonetheless). Still, you accepted the common wisdom of your friends at the Anthropological Society that biological races correspond to continental categories: African, American, Asian, European, Australian. And you did view the races as subspecies, even claiming (incorrectly) that different species of lice infect different groups. Overall, for you it was the mental differences, not the physical ones, that loomed largest.32 They had been selected in a form of group cultural evolution, establishing a clear moral and intellectual hierarchy. In places, you showed environmental determinism. “The Esquimaux, pressed by hard necessity,” you wrote, “have succeeded in many ingenious inventions, but their climate has been too severe for continued progress” (Darwin 1871, vol. 1, p. 167). Elsewhere, establishing that the “intellectual and moral faculties” are variable and “tend to be inherited” (Darwin 1871, vol. 1, p. 159), you seemed thoroughly biological: “the wonderful progress of the United States, as well as the character of the people,” you exclaimed, “are the results of natural selection; the more energetic, restless, and courageous men of all parts of Europe having emigrated during the last ten or twelve generations to that great country, and having there succeeded best” (Darwin 1871, vol. 1, p. 179). In truth, your own personal experiences should have put a check on all this. “The American aborigines, Negroes and Europeans,” you wrote (quoted by Fuentes), “differ as much from each other in mind as any three races that can be named, ....  The observing scientist in you, it would seem, bowed before the Victorian
  gentleman. 195
  
• “In the Darwinian context,” she writes, “Western notions of masculinity and patriarchy are justified because gendered behavior is deemed the driving force of evolution—a process that Darwin valued as progress and improvement, and our culture still does” (DeSilva ed. 2021, p. 191). When it comes to race, determinists who have written recently about race and IQ have rightly been castigated.36 Yet it remains unsaid that in our careful touting of biologically significant historical mating groups we may very well be castigated by future generations, more sophisticated in their tools of individualized medicine, and perhaps more culturally and politically sensitive.37 Our common wisdom may turn out to be a form of biological essentialism, however scientifically sound and morally neutral we believe it is.38 
• Humans are complicated, and you were no exception. Despite all you had to say about a hierarchy of races, you stood steadfast against slavery (Desmond and Moore 2009).39 “It makes one’s blood boil, yet heart tremble,” you wrote, “to think that we Englishmen and our American descendants, with their boastful cry of liberty, have been and are so guilty” (Darwin 1909, p. 503). Echoing your cousin Francis Galton, you determined that “the weak members of civilized societies propagate their kind” and that “no one who had attended to the breeding of domestic animals will doubt that this must be highly injurious to the race of man.” Yet you also believed that it is impossible for humans to go against their evolved instinct of sympathy “without deterioration in the noblest part of our nature,” and that we must therefore bravely shoulder the burden of helping the weak (Darwin 1871, vol. 1, pp. 168–169). You wrote that, “If two lists were made of the most eminent men and women in poetry, painting, sculpture, music—comprising composition and performance, history, science, and philosophy, with a half-dozen names under each subject, the two lists would not bear comparison” (Darwin 1871, vol. 2, p. 327), excusing the systematic oppression of women by narrating it away as evolved sex differences. And yet you genuinely loved and respected women, not least your wife, and stood on the side of those who fought to expand their rights. 
• Clearly, the question of whether you were a racist, classist, misogynist should be separated from whether your theory was racist, classist, misogynist in significant places. Modern readers of Descent may not be aware of the larger context: what you wrote in your letters and diaries, your family’s political activism, the relationships you had with people of color and women scientists, the mores of your age, your gentleness, your tossing and turnings at night. All they know is the text that stands  before them, and, in a very real way, this may be what counts. “A text’s unity lies not in its origin but in its destination,” the literary essayist Roland Barthes wrote. “Yet this destination cannot any longer be personal: the reader is without history, biography, psychology; he is simply that someone who holds together in a single field all the traces by which the written text is constituted” (Barthes 2010, p. 1325). You are no longer with us, unfortunately. But your written words live on. 197-8
  
• We can never peel off our person nor our culture to uncover some higher scientist 198

BROWNE 2022

• Artigo de 1869 de Wallace ajudou na motivação para o descent. 19
• Infos bibliográficas
• The book was printed in two volumes and published by John Murray, the London firm that had earlier published the Origin of Species. It was issued in 2500 copies in the first weeks of 1871 (Freeman 1977). Three further printings appeared during the same year, bringing the number of copies available to readers up to 8000. Darwin made small changes in the texts of each reprint. For bibliophiles, there are some interesting variants. Darwin’s own copy, for example, was ready by December 1870 and has that date printed on its title page. A second edition was published in 1874 with corrections and emendations, including important material from Huxley on the brains of apes and mankind. In 1877 the English publishers recorded that they had issued a total of 12,000 copies. This edition of 1877 was the final one and all subsequent editions are printed from it. The American firm of D. Appleton and Co. simultaneously published the Descent of Man in New York in 1871, and continued to match the English editions pretty closely. In Europe, the FrancoPrussian war would seemingly have obliterated any prospect of foreign language editions and translations. Yet astonishingly, in view of the political situation during the siege of Paris and the dreadful events around the Commune, Darwin’s book was translated into Dutch, French, German, Russian, and Italian in 1871, and into Swedish, Polish, and Danish shortly thereafter, a testimony to the fortitude of Darwin’s European colleagues and general interest in evolutionary affairs. 20-1
• Meadering and verbose. Continuidade. Fairytales of science, mas úteis para atenuar a recepção. 21
• Línguas, religião e moral 21
• Linhagem humana baseada em Huxley e Haeckel. 22
• Artgo de Huxley na segunda ed para suprir as lacunas no registro fóssil. 22
• Sexual selection. Vinha maturando há algum tempo. 23
• Male choice in humans. Explicava as raças por interesses particulares variantes. 23
• Here, we encounter Darwin’s bourgeois ideas about social hierarchies and gender differences among human beings. For example, he believed that sexual selection enhanced male superiority across the world. In early human societies, the necessities of survival, he argued, would result in men becoming physically stronger than women and that male intelligence and mental faculties would improve beyond those of women. It was self-evident to him that in civilised regimes men, because of their well-developed intellectual and entrepreneurial capacities, ruled the social order 
• In this way he made human culture an extension of biology and saw in every human 24 J. Browne society a “natural” basis for primacy of the male. After publication, feminists and suffragettes bitterly attacked this doctrine, feeling that women were being naturalised into a secondary, submissive role. They were right to feel aggrieved. Many medical men of the period assumed that women’s brains were smaller than those of men and were eager to adopt Darwin’s statement that women were biologically subordinate to men and altogether less evolutionarily developed. For many decades thereafter it was commonplace to assert that the “natural” function of women was to reproduce, not to think. Indeed, men in the medical profession thought that the female body was especially prone to disorders if the reproductive functions were denied. Something of this belief can be traced in Western culture through to the 1950s or so. 
• In the Descent of Man Darwin also made concrete his thoughts on human progress and society. We should not be surprised that Darwin held entirely conventional Victorian opinions. These were explained in the introduction to the second edition of 1874. A racial hierarchy, as Darwin saw it, ran from the most primitive tribes of mankind to the most civilised; and had emerged through competition, selection, and conquest. He thought that those tribes with little or no culture (as determined by Europeans) were likely to be overrun by bolder or more sophisticated populations. “All that we know about savages, or may infer from their traditions and from old monuments . . . show that from the remotest times successful tribes have supplanted other tribes” (Darwin 1877, p. 128). Darwin was certain that many of the peoples he called primitive would eventually be wiped out by Europeans: particularly the Tasmanian, Australian, and New Zealand aborigines. This was a playing out of the great law of “the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life”. His emphasis cast the notion of race into biologically determinist terms, reinforcing contemporary ideas of an inbuilt racial hierarchy and endorsing competitive imperial aggressions. Darwin made such activities “natural”. 23
• Empire
• Such words merged easily into contemporary ideologies of empire. The concept of natural selection as applied to mankind in Descent of Man seemed to vindicate harsh and continuing fights for territory, the subjugation of indigenous populations, and the expression of political power on the international scale. Indeed, formulated in this way, Darwin’s concept of natural selection was a clear echo of the industrialised nation in which he lived. It comes as no surprise that, in turn, his views seemed to substantiate the leading political and economic commitments of his day. The success of white Europeans in conquering and settling in Tasmania, for example, seemed to make “natural” the whole-scale extermination of the original peoples. Conquest was deemed a necessary part of imperial progress. 24
• Herbert spencer  e política 25
• Eugenics
• Several of Darwin’s remarks in Descent of Man captured anxieties that were soon made manifest in the eugenics movement. Darwin feared that what he called the “better” members of society were in danger of being numerically swamped by the “unfit”. In this latter category Darwin included men and women of the streets, the ill, the physically disabled, indigents, alcoholics, and the mentally disturbed. He pointed out that medical aid and financial support through charitable undertakings for the sick and the poor ran against the fundamental principle of natural selection. Nevertheless, he suggested that it was the characteristic of a truly civilised country to aid the sick and help the weak. 
• In these passages Darwin anticipated many of the problems that his cousin Francis Galton would try to alleviate through the Eugenics movement. Galton was an enthusiastic convert to Darwin’s theories and had little hesitation in applying the concept of natural selection to human populations. The “unfit”, as Galton expressed it, tended to be more fecund than superior members of society. He campaigned tirelessly to reduce breeding rates among what he categorised as the poorer, irresponsible, sick, and profligate sectors of society. He recommended that the “more highly-gifted men” should have children and pass their attributes on to the next generation. Galton did not promote incarceration or sterilisation as ultimately adopted by the USA, nor did he conceive of the possibility of the whole-scale extermination of an entire people, as played out during World War II. However, he was a prominent advocate of taking human development into our own hands and the necessity of counteracting the likely deterioration of the human race—a resurgence of Thomas Robert Malthus’s original ideas on the natural limits of population, now poured back into social and economic thought with a fully biological backing provided by Darwin (Chaplin and McMahon 2016). While Darwin’s Descent of Man can hardly account for all the racial stereotyping, nationalist fervour and harshly expressed social prejudice found in years to come, there can be no denying the impact of Darwin’s work in providing support for notions of racial superiority, reproductive constraints, gendered typologies, and class distinctions (Kevles 1985). History shows that Descent was a highly significant factor in the emergence of social Darwinism and eugenics—with all their terrible consequences. 25
• Não foi bem recebido 26
• the introduction of new ideas is rarely straightforward and that the past histories of science have involved many different forms of publication, many different audiences, many different languages and intense personal effort as well as the lasting power of the ideas themselves. 27

DCP

• [1] Descent
• [2] Darwin on human evolution
• [3] Expression, experiments e querries
• [4] Expression
• [5] 1867
• [6] 1868
• [7] 1869
• [8] 1870
• [9] 1871
• [10] 1872
• [11] 1873
• [12] 1874
• [13] 1875